Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill

Baroness Thornton Excerpts

Monday 14th January 2013 Grand Committee

Debate on whether Clause 57 should stand part of the Bill.

[Baroness Thornton]

My Lords, in opposing Clause 57 standing part of the Bill, I thank the noble Lords, Lord Lester and Lord Low, and my noble friend Lady Turner for supporting me in doing so. Clause 57 seeks to repeal Section 40 of the Equality Act 2010. Section 40 makes an employer liable for repeated harassment of their employees by a third party, including customers, clients and service users. The liability is triggered only if an employee has suffered such harassment on three or more occasions, the employer knew of the previous incidents and the employer has failed to take reasonable, practicable steps to prevent its recurring. The Government have stated that there is no real or perceived need for this protection but we believe that that simply is not true.

I am grateful to Thompsons Solicitors, who specialise in such matters, for their views and for a copy of the evidence that they submitted to the GEO as part of the consultation on this matter. What is clear from their considerable experience is that the majority of such claims are settled before a hearing happens, which is all to the good. Thompsons point out in that evidence:

“The government’s logic for repealing the provision is contradictory. On one hand the consultation states that the provision is a burden on business and on the other hand it states that it is only aware of one case in England and Wales where a claim relating to this provision was determined at an employment tribunal hearing”.

Given that the provision has been in place for all protected characteristics for less than two years, the Government are not in a position to make an assumption about the effectiveness of the provision within such a short period. Neither do we understand the logic that just because there are not many claims relating to this provision, it is somehow bad law.

It is not in the interests of society to remove from employers the responsibility for protecting workers against harassment from third parties. Workers should be entitled to carry out their duties and engage with third parties without fear of harassment. Do we really want workers to be exposed to harassment on the grounds of one of the protected characteristics without having the force of statutory protection from such harassment? For example, surely a nurse treating a patient should be entitled to expect protection from their employer against harassment by that patient on one of the protected grounds. Losing the provision would be inconsistent with the equality directive, as per EOC v the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, in that the directive sets out associative protection. This would lead to further litigation. Can the Minister confirm that this is indeed the case? Even if it could be argued that the current legislation goes beyond the requirements of the directive, to amend the legislation by removing the provision would breach the non-regressive provisions of the directive—that is, the equality and recast equal treatment directives. Could the Minister please say whether this is true?

Is there a need for Section 40? We would argue that, yes, there is. A 2008 study by the University of Warwick for the NUT, of 2,575 teachers across 13 local authorities, found that one-third of the respondents experienced threats on at least a monthly basis. A survey for the NAS/UWT found a similar third of teachers suffered prejudice-based harassment and bullying. The EHRC has also found evidence of the prevalence of third-party harassment and its impact, demonstrating a widespread need for the law to provide protection. The people most likely to be affected by the abolition of this provision are some of the most vulnerable and poorly paid people, who are least able to defend themselves. For instance, a recent report on the treatment of care workers by clients comments:

“A survey of public sector social services staff found ethnic minority staff had experienced racist verbal abuse from service users; inappropriate questioning of their authority by users or relatives; users not wanting to be touched by them or asking to be dealt with by a White person (most frequently occurring in the user’s own home); and physical attacks perceived to be racially motivated. Inappropriate remarks from colleagues were also experienced”.

Thompsons say that they have advised and represented unions and union members in third-party harassment claims. With their kind permission, I will mention two such cases. The first involves three claimants who were constantly racially abused by patients in a mental health hospital where they worked as nurses. The perpetrators were two individuals on the same ward. The claimants requested to work shifts where they would not be in contact with the two individuals. The employer refused to change the claimants’ shifts or to take any action against the perpetrators. The claims were settled prior to a full hearing for £3,000 for each claimant, with an undertaking from the NHS trust concerned that action would be taken to protect the claimants from further acts of harassment.

Thompsons also report that their transport union clients are regularly asked to advise when members have been subject to racist abuse by passengers. The TUC certainly asserts that the introduction of Section 40 of the Equality Act has already led to a step change among employers, with actions undertaken to make it clear to service users that harassment of their staff will not be tolerated. Moreover, there may be hidden costs to business for not prioritising action against third-party harassment. Harassment can have a significant effect on the physical and mental health of the workforce, and be a major cause of work-related stress, affecting work performance and absence levels.

The proposed repeal of third-party harassment provisions has been introduced following the Government’s Red Tape Challenge. However, there is no publicly available evidence of concerns being raised about them during the first stage of the challenge. When the Government asked specifically for views on prohibited conduct, not one of the 214 of those who responded opposed the third-party harassment provisions, and a number specifically supported them. When the Government consulted specifically on third-party harassment, 71% of those who responded were opposed to repeal. Moreover, due to the familiarisation costs associated with the change in legislation and the minimal savings to business that are expected as a result of the repeal, the Government’s own impact assessment calculates that this repeal will be an additional burden to business, and not a saving. The assessment admits:

“Provisions for third party harassment may have had a wider impact on reducing discrimination in the workplace, outside of specific third party harassment claims, so the repeal may lead to more instances of workplace discrimination”.

At Second Reading in the House of Commons, Ministers gave a categorical assurance to my honourable friend Kate Green MP that this Bill would not be used to take forward proposals as featured in the Beecroft report on employment law, relating to employer liability for third-party harassment.

In conclusion, I put the following case to the Minister. A employs B. C interacts with B during the course of their employment. C harasses B on the basis of a protected characteristic—race, sex, sexual orientation or disability. A either fails to take adequate steps to minimise the risk of harassment—policy signage, risk assessment, preventive steps and so on—or fails to do so after being specifically alerted to C’s behaviour and prior to a repeat of it. B and C could be a nurse and a patient, a nurse and a family member, a receptionist and a customer, benefits agency staff and a claimant, a taxi dispatcher and a customer, a teacher and a parent, a warehouseman and a delivery driver, a guard on a train and a passenger, a council officer and a service user, a member of an MP’s staff and a constituent and so on.

A third-party harassment provision saves tribunal time and focuses employers’ minds. It also ultimately saves legal costs. Other legal avenues—direct race discrimination or sex discrimination claims, for example—are not available. Establishing that the employer is responsible for the harassment by allowing or failing to prevent a hostile environment at work is time-consuming and difficult. Good employers who are prepared to take reasonable steps to protect their staff from abuse have nothing to fear from the current provisions. Will the noble Baroness please explain to the Committee how such a matter might be resolved without this part of the legislation?

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[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Thornton, and others who have put their names to this clause stand part debate today. It gives me an opportunity to make clear that Clause 57 does not diminish people’s right to equal treatment, or their access to justice, when they believe that they have encountered discrimination. The aim of this clause is to achieve these outcomes in a more straightforward and cost-effective way.

Clause 57 removes the specific but arbitrary “three strikes” test for employer liability. I should like to reassure the Committee that it does not remove protection for employees who have been harassed by third parties at work. The noble Baroness, Lady Thornton, asked me a specific question about whether the repeal is consistent with the equal treatment directive. I can confirm that it is.

The ruling of the court in the case of Equal Opportunities Commission v Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in 2007 stated that,

“there is nothing explicit, or even arguably implicit”,

in the European equal treatment amendment directive,

“requiring a Member State to impose vicarious liability on an employer, or indeed liability for negligent failure to take steps”.

However, under the Equality Act 2010, employers are vicariously liable for the harassment of one employee by another. We maintain that the general harassment provisions in the Act can provide protection for an employee who has been harassed by any other third party. If the harassment causes the employee alarm or distress, a claim may be possible under the Protection from Harassment Act 1997. Where it is such that the employee feels there is no alternative to leaving the job, a claim for constructive dismissal can be brought. All this protection will remain, and that is why the third-party harassment provisions in Section 40(2) to (4) of the Equality Act are not needed.

Indeed, introduction of the “three strikes” test was itself unnecessary because a change in the legal definition of harassment in 2008, following a judicial review, allowed a wider range of claims. The then Government added the “three strikes” test to the harassment provisions in the Sex Discrimination Act 1975 specifically to address a set of facts referred to in the judgment. In our view this introduced an additional legal test that is both arbitrary and unnecessary.

The new definition of harassment following the change in the law in 2008 referred to unwanted conduct “related to” the sex of a person. That was instead of “on the grounds of”. This specific change extended the scope of protection against harassment to apply to wider circumstances than before, including potentially by a third party. This formulation now exists in the Equality Act 2010 and therefore applies to all the relevant protected characteristics, not just to sex.

The “three strikes” test was introduced to cover only the situation where, knowing that an employee is being repeatedly harassed at work, the employer does not take any reasonable steps to prevent that employee being harassed again. However, the extremely limited scope of these provisions is widely misunderstood and some businesses have also told us that they find it impossible to comply with the provisions in practice, no matter how they try. Most businesses recognise that they must not let their employees be harassed or ill treated by other employees or by third parties. Where this is not the case, the other legal protections that I have set out will continue to exist. However, they see the unique “three strikes” test as onerous, arbitrary and unfair. It expressly makes the employer liable for a specific number of actions—three—by a third party. In most cases the employer will have no control over the nature or number of events or the third parties concerned. The uncertainty over what exactly is required in order to avoid being caught out by the “three strikes” test makes it difficult for employers who want to comply and at the same time will not deter employers who may be less concerned about their obligations to their staff.

[Baroness Thornton]

I am wondering where the evidence for this is. I really need to know where this evidence is because certainly, as far as we can tell from the impact assessment and the evidence that I recalled in my speech, this did not seem to be the case. Perhaps the noble Baroness can write to me and list the cases to which she has referred because I certainly have not been able to find them.

[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

The point in some of the cases that I shall come to is that people have been able to bring cases of third-party harassment without using the clauses to which we are referring. The response to the consultation by members of the industry has been clear that this part of the legislation is confusing and is very difficult for them to comply with. However, I will of course follow up in writing and provide further information to the noble Baroness.

As long as this test remains, employers can face claims from their employees of liability for third-party harassment on the basis of an arbitrary number of events, but taking no account of context. This approach cannot be right. Influencing employers’ behaviour is neither the primary role nor the intention of most provisions in discrimination law, and this is certainly not the reason why the Section 40 third-party harassment provisions exist. This confusing legislation is not the most effective way of achieving cultural change. Nor does it appear to have had any significant legal effect. As far as we can determine, only one case brought under these provisions has actually been heard by a tribunal in the four years since they were first introduced. The other examples of cases successfully alleging third-party harassment of which we are aware were brought before the “three strikes” test was introduced. That is the point that I made before; it is clear that it is possible for people to bring forward claims of third-party harassment because they have done so, even before this change in legislation was introduced. We believe that a better way to encourage employers to protect their employees from harassment at work, which as the noble Baroness, Lady Turner of Camden, said is an important matter, is through education and good practice guidance.

I turn to the question put to me by the noble Baroness, Lady Turner, who referred to the case of Blake and how protection for employees such as those in that case would be protected. Depending on the particular facts and circumstances of the case, it should be possible for a claim for third-party harassment to be brought under the general harassment provisions under Sections 26 and 40(1) of the Equality Act. Nothing in the Blake case would exclude it from that statement. Noble Lords will bear in mind that this is the only case known to have been decided by a tribunal during the lifetime of the “three strikes” third-party harassment provisions.

I commend Clause 57 to the Committee, but I will follow up on the points that the noble Baroness raised.

[Baroness Thornton]

I thank the Minister for her reply, but the Committee needs more evidence than she has been able to produce. She started by saying that this provision does not diminish people’s rights to equal treatment. Some of the experts, particularly those in the trade unions and the lawyers that I have quoted, believe that that is certainly not the case and that it does reduce people’s equal treatment. This piece of law has been in place for only two years. Does the Minister accept that, as Thompsons have said, its existence has prevented tribunal cases? That is rather an important matter.

I am not surprised by the answer that I received from the Minister, but it is not satisfactory, both in terms of equal treatment and because she has not made the case for this provision to be in the Bill or for Section 40 to be deleted from the Equality Act on the Government’s own terms of business effectiveness, enterprise or the Red Tape Challenge. The Minister has not refuted the facts that I gave about there being no majority in favour of getting rid of this provision; she managed to quote one case which, she said, caused confusion. So the Government have not made their case. Then you have to wonder why this is in the Bill, which leads only to the supposition that it is for reasons not to do with equality but more to do with politics—a sort of trawl to see what they can put in the Bill. That is very sad. On that basis, I shall not press my question but we will return to the matter later in the Bill.

Clause 57 agreed.

Debate on whether Clause 58 should stand part of the Bill.

[Baroness Thornton]

My Lords, I had hoped that the noble Lord, Lord Lester, would have been with us today to move this Clause 58 stand part debate, which stands in both our names and those of the noble Lord, Lord Low, and my noble friend Lady Turner. Unfortunately, the noble Lord has been struck down. He has been in touch with me and the Minister about the fact that he is unable to be here and I am sure that the Committee will wish him a speedy recovery.

Noble Lords may recall that at Second Reading the noble Lord, Lord Lester, spoke with passion about the importance of this clause and his commitment to making his Government change their mind. I expect that between now and the next stage of the Bill that is exactly what the noble Lord will be doing, supported by other noble Lords, including those on these Benches.

Clause 58 repeals the question and answer procedure. The impact assessment states:

“Section 138 of the Equality Act 2010 requires a Minister of the Crown to prescribe forms in order that a person who thinks that they may have been unlawfully discriminated against, harassed or victimised, can obtain information from the person (employer or service provider) they think has acted unlawfully against them”.

This procedure has been a vital part of ensuring access to justice for victims of discrimination since our first discrimination and race relations Acts were passed nearly 40 years ago. Information obtained through this process is intended to help an individual understand why he or she was treated in a particular way and whether they have a legal basis for making or continuing a claim in court or a tribunal.

In the Government’s own Red Tape Challenge, not one concern was raised on the questionnaire procedure. When the Government then issued a specific consultation on questionnaires, that too provided little case for change. Around 80% of respondents opposed abolition of the questionnaire procedure. There is no evidence to support the Government’s claim that these questionnaires are used for fishing exercises.

Case law makes it clear that businesses and other respondents are not required to answer questions that are disproportionate and that a poor response should not lead automatically to a finding of discrimination. Instead, the question and answer procedure is widely regarded by employers and employees as valuable. There is anecdotal evidence that it helps individuals to access evidence at an early stage that can lead to an early clarification of the issues and, if the case proceeds to a tribunal, to greater efficiency in the tribunal proceedings. Indeed, judges and tribunal members regard this procedure as a useful way of establishing the facts and clarifying the issues in contention. The questionnaires have also been known to prompt a quick resolution either through an early settlement or by demonstrating that no discrimination took place, helping to prevent unnecessary proceedings.

The current question form guides claimants to set out their allegations of discrimination in a clear way. This allows the person responding to understand what is being alleged and to provide an explanation of what happened. The absence of a structured standard form may result in some claimants issuing proceedings where they would not otherwise, increasing costs to tribunals and businesses alike. Moreover, removing the standardised structure of these forms, which most businesses are already familiar with, may place some onerous demands on businesses dealing with discrimination claims. Indeed, the Government’s own impact assessment fails to provide any empirical support for removing this “regulatory burden” on business.

Moreover, the financial assessment, which finds a net benefit of just £800,000 to businesses from implementing this measure fails to take into account both the non-monetary costs to the individual employees, who may be further marginalised by the retraction of their employment rights, and the additional cost to businesses and individuals of finding other means by which to obtain information in disputes.

The Discrimination Law Association, whose members comprise lawyers, advice workers and trade unionists supporting victims of discrimination said that,

“without the kind of information which individuals can only obtain through written questionnaires under Section 138, in many cases it will be almost impossible to prove discrimination”.

Indeed, without the questionnaires, an individual who suspects they have been discriminated against will have to institute formal proceedings before they can seek disclosure of documents from the employer. From summer 2013, it will cost £250 to issue a discrimination claim and a further £950 for a hearing. Many victims of discrimination will never bother to seek justice and that will give unscrupulous employers a green light to discriminate at will, I would suggest.

The questionnaire procedure facilitates access to justice, helps both parties to assess where a claim lies and enables them to reach an early settlement where that is appropriate. Therefore, it is crucial that the Government should not repeal Section 138 of the Equality Act.

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[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

I do not know how to follow that.

I join other noble Lords in wishing the noble Lord, Lord Lester, a speedy recovery, although I know that had he been here he would not have been speaking in support of the Government today. I know that he would have brought his own great expertise to these discussions and I am sure that he will return to us very soon and we will have the benefit of his expertise. Certainly, he was kind enough to give me some of his time over the past few weeks to discuss this matter in great detail and I am very much aware of his position on this and the history of his involvement over a long period.

Clause 58 does not diminish people’s right to equal treatment or their access to justice where they believe they have encountered discrimination. Let me be clear: repeal of the obtaining information procedure will not reduce an individual’s right to pursue a discrimination case or the remedies available to those who are successful. Our intention is to simplify the whole pre-claim process so that all parties achieve the right outcome in the most straightforward and cost-effective way. I will discuss in more detail what we propose as an alternative before I sit down.

I will not rehearse the whole process involved in obtaining information except to make the point that Section 138 provides that Ministers must prescribe forms to be used for the procedure in secondary legislation. Business and the Government now believe that, over time, enshrining this process in legislation has led to it being out of date, burdensome and to some extent one-sided.

Let me be clear from the outset that not one single employer or business organisation told us that they saw value in the questionnaires. I know that the noble Baroness, Lady Thornton, and others requested information to that end. I will happily ensure that that is provided after today’s debate. As noble Lords have said, this process has been in anti-discrimination legislation for nearly 40 years. I must say to the noble Baroness, Lady Howe, that while I know that some of her remarks were about more recent legislation, this practice of obtaining information is now very much something that has been with us and has been tried for a very long time, but I would add that the process of obtaining information is only in anti-discrimination legislation; it is not replicated in other areas of employment law.

During the past 40 years, much has changed. The procedure was initially created to help to level the playing field between individuals and employers or service providers through a simple question and answer process to help to establish basic facts to determine whether discrimination had occurred. This was necessary in 1975. At that time, no one had brought a sex discrimination claim or knew whether it would be possible to do so successfully without any assistance. However, in recent years, 10,000 to 20,000 have been accepted by tribunals every year.

In 1975, when the legislation was being debated in Parliament, the Government included the obtaining information procedure, because they did not wish to make changes to the arrangements governing the burden of proof. As was said then, the procedure was,

“likely to tilt the balance somewhat the other way”.

The Government continued that they were,

“enabling the woman complainant … to … write a letter or to use a prescribed form”.—[Official Report, Commons, 18/6/1975; col. 1603.]

Since then the legislation on the burden of proof has changed to make it explicit that the complainant has to put forward only facts from which discrimination could be deduced, and it is for a respondent to prove that their actions were not, in fact, discriminatory. From the point of view of a respondent, it therefore seems that both aspects of the law are now, in their minds, stacked against them. Employers believe that over time the process has become heavily legalised and is frequently misused as a means of gathering detailed information, whether it is relevant or not. Such information is frequently sought in cases where the individual has already taken the decision to take their case to a tribunal and is simply forcing as much pre-claim disclosure as possible.

[Baroness Thornton]

Can I query what the noble Baroness has just said about getting information prior to a claim? Is that not a good thing? Does it not mean that the process will be sped up and settled, and possibly not even go to a tribunal if there is more information available? I am not sure why there is a problem and why the noble Baroness seems to think that this process is being misused. It collects lots of information. Is that not the whole point?

[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

Obviously I was not being clear. The point that I was trying to make is that, while the purpose of the legislation is to help people to obtain information so that they can decide if they have a case, it is apparent that some individuals have already decided that they are going to take their case forward and are using this process for gathering information in a pre-claim disclosure arrangement.

[Baroness Thornton]

I am sorry to pursue this point. How many cases like these are there? The noble Baroness may not be able to tell me now but I would like to know from where the evidence for this has come. How many were there as a proportion of the consultation process?

[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

I will endeavour to provide further information in that area and follow up in writing to the noble Baroness.

Noble Lords have argued against Clause 58 from the perspective of claimants, so may I put forward the arguments from the perspective of employers and the business community, which it is important for us to take account of? Collating this information can be onerous for employers, particularly where 20, 40 or even 100 additional questions are asked. They can often see that the information requested has little or no merit to a claim. However, they feel bound by the legislation and by the legal advice, which they feel is necessary to engage with and respond to, and within the statutory time frame. These exact concerns the then Opposition raised during the 1975 debate on the Sex Discrimination Bill, where it was said:

“There is no limitation on what can be asked. There is no screening process”.

If the respondent,

“decides that it is unsafe not to answer them, his answers to those questions may be admitted as evidence”.—[Official Report, Commons, 18/6/1975; col. 1602.]

Now, as then, the problem is not just simplifying the questionnaire form, which is simple and straightforward; the problem is ensuring that the questionnaire does not get used as the starting point for rafts of detailed and leading questions. Clearly we cannot and do not want to restrict the dialogue between parties where they are trying to explore and perhaps resolve their differences. That is why we are proposing a different approach altogether, based on conciliation and guidance, which I shall come on to.

The noble Lord, Lord Low, referred in the context of the questionnaire form to some 2009 research and said that employers had responded to it by saying that the questionnaire was straightforward. The GEO research in 2009 concerned only the layout of the questionnaire and not the whole process of dealing with the completed set of questionnaires from a claimant. Often the extra material is the problem.

Those arguing in favour of retaining these provisions—obviously they are speaking today—claim that they are often helpful in weeding out potential claims that are unmeritorious, or those based on mistake or misunderstanding. The noble Baroness, Lady Whitaker, was very specific on that point. She asked whether there were any statistics available to show how many cases this process had avoided coming to court. I do not have any statistics available, but I know that we have not received any from the Tribunals Service. I am not clear about whether we have asked for them, but it has not been able to provide them, or perhaps it just has not put any forward. If it is the latter, then obviously I shall follow that up. However, not a single response that we have received from our consultation, from an individual business or representative body, endorses the view put forward by the noble Baroness and others.

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[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

If the noble Baroness is referring to 2009, I think I have already answered that point by explaining that that was about the layout of the questionnaire and not the whole process of dealing with a full set of questions from a claimant. However, I am clear that the response to our consultation from the business community was clear. As I said at the beginning, I am very happy to follow up, in writing to the Committee, with further information to support that point. I should add that in some cases the cost to business, including legal advice, often runs to several hundreds of pounds and that is before any costs associated with defending the case at a tribunal.

Having said that, I turn to what is a more constructive alternative way forward. We are agreed that there is value in the aim of encouraging a pre-claim dialogue and exchange of information. There is merit in establishing the facts of a potential discrimination case, and this is certainly what our proposed early conciliation of certain employment claims is intended to achieve. Noble Lords who followed this Bill in debates on earlier clauses will be familiar with the sort of changes that we are proposing. I think those clauses have attracted considerable support.

People thinking of bringing proceedings could still seek information from an employer or service provider about an alleged breach of the Equality Act 2010, either verbally or in writing. As I read that out, I should make it clear that that can be done orally or in writing because I am not aware of anyone writing without using words. That point was stressed by several of those responding to the consultation. This is in a climate where, compared to 40 years ago, businesses are on the whole far more transparent about the information they disclose. I am speaking generally but I think organisations understand the importance of transparency in the way they operate, and that attaches to their reputation. Employers or businesses who refuse to respond to reasonable requests for information will continue to run the risk of this being taken into account by a court or tribunal when deciding whether a basic case of discrimination has been made out. They will be more conscious of that risk than in the past for the reasons that I have just given.

Even if the parties do not in the end agree to conciliation taking place, a conversation with ACAS will give them a better understanding of the issue and of the tribunal process. The Government Equalities Office is in discussion with ACAS with a view to producing approved guidance which would help set out for employers and potential claimants in discrimination cases—

[Baroness Thornton]

For my own clarification, because I have not heard this process described in quite this way, am I right in understanding that if somebody wants information because they think they have been discriminated against by either their employer or a service provider, they have to go to ACAS first? Is that right?

[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

They do not have to go to ACAS first but in the conversations that the Government are having with ACAS about this process, ACAS is suggesting that it would be preferable for somebody who is considering making a claim to go to it first as it would much rather have that initial conversation without the burden of a lot of information so that the parties do not get bogged down in the detail of, “He says, she says” at that stage of the process.

[Baroness Thornton]

Does the Minister not think it likely that ACAS will fill in a form?

[Baroness Stowell of Beeston]

The noble Baroness may be more familiar with the processes followed by ACAS than I am. I cannot speak for ACAS and I do not know what it would undertake to do. I am just reporting to the Committee what ACAS advises is the best way forward in this context.

If I may conclude the point that I was making, ACAS seeks to produce approved guidance which would help set out for employers and potential claimants in discrimination cases both the scope and requirement for disclosure of pre-claim information. This will be an ACAS-led approach, with the TUC and equality stakeholders as well as employers invited to participate in ensuring that the guidance is right.

I have indicated that I will follow up in writing to some of the points that have been made, but I hope that I have provided the Committee with sufficient assurances to make clear that the repeal of Section 138 of the Equality Act 2010 will not affect any individual rights under law, will command business confidence and will be followed up by a lighter-touch process in consultation with key parties, which will deliver, as I said at the start, the outcome that everybody has a right to expect if they feel that they are in any way at risk of discrimination.

[Baroness Thornton]

My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for that useful and helpful explanation. I also thank the noble Lords, Lord Low and Lord Ouseley, the noble Baronesses, Lady Turner and Lady Howe, and, indeed, the noble Baroness, Lady Oppenheim-Barnes, who is not in her place, for their interventions, which I look forward to reading in Hansard so that I can fully understand the insult that was meted out to the noble Baroness, Lady Howe.

My noble friend Lady Whitaker rightly said that we probably have not done justice to what the noble Lord, Lord Lester, would have said. I say to the Minister that this is the beginning of this process rather than the end. We will need to have further discussions on this issue, for which she always makes herself available. I think that the Minister made the false assumption that we were talking only about employees. In fact, I referred in all my remarks to employees and employers because we think that this form is useful to everybody concerned. The Government’s proposal to abolish it fails on almost every ground, including that of cost. Further, I do not think that their proposal will be any more efficient. The noble Baroness described what she thinks people will do in going to ACAS. However, it seems to me that that makes the process more complex. That does not feel like a light touch process to me. I am happy to have a discussion about that but it feels like a more complex process.

The noble Baroness is deceiving herself if she thinks that ACAS will not go into drafting guidance and forms, and do many things based on what already exists. This fails in terms of efficiency, it does not add anything to the aims of enterprise in this Bill, and it certainly fails in terms of the test of fairness and access to justice. I am afraid the Government have not made the evidence available to the Committee today to convince us that this is a necessary clause. On that basis, I will not proceed with my question. Even if I do not return to this, the noble Lord, Lord Lester, can probably be trusted to do so.

Clause 58 agreed.

Clause 59 : Primary Authorities

Amendment 28ZDA

Moved by