(2 weeks ago)
Lords ChamberThat this House takes note of the Report from the Communications and Digital Committee AI and creative technology scaleups: less talk, more action (2nd Report, HL Paper 71).
My Lords, this is the Communications and Digital Committee’s final report from my time as chair, so I not only thank the committee staff and my fellow committee members for all their work and contributions to this inquiry but extend my sincere thanks to all colleagues with whom I worked over the past three years for everything they have done so that, collectively, we have been able to produce some high-quality work that has had impact. Likewise, I am hugely grateful to the witnesses who appeared before us and submitted written evidence to all our inquiries. That is particularly relevant to this report on scaling up AI and creative tech, because we drew so much on the work we did in preceding inquiries, especially those on large language models, the creative industries and digital markets.
This debate comes at the end of London Tech Week, where so many of the UK’s fantastic tech founders have spoken or been in attendance. We have so much tech and entrepreneurial talent to celebrate in this country. From the off, I emphasise how proud I am of the innovators and risk-takers who set up on their own to establish a business and go on to thrive and achieve great success, even if they have had to experience more than one failure along the way, because if there is one message that landed powerfully with me during this inquiry it is that we do not say or do enough as political leaders to celebrate and support our risk-takers and wealth generators. They do not just generate wealth for themselves; they help our economy grow, create jobs and provide products and services that are valued by consumers and other businesses alike.
I cannot speak for Oxford Ionics, which was just this week acquired by a US rival—I offer my sincere congratulations to its founders on their success and all they have achieved—but I am genuinely sorry about its loss to the UK as a British business, even if, under new ownership, it continues to operate here. As I shall come on to explain, what we have seen this week is another example of a worrying trend. Our report described the UK as an “incubator economy”: a great place to begin, but too often it is other countries that get to cash in. If we are serious about growth and retaining our position as a global leader in the tech sector, this situation has to change.
Our inquiry on scaling up looked at the causes of this problem and what steps the Government must take to support innovative technology companies to grow into thriving British businesses that want to stay here in the UK. We focused on AI and creative tech because these are two areas in which the UK has strong foundations and significant potential, but many of our findings apply to innovative tech scale-ups more broadly.
This failure to scale is not a static problem. It is a dynamic and damaging cycle. When our most promising firms exit early or scale overseas, we do not simply lose their immediate economic value; we also hamper the formation of the kind of ecosystem that drives sustainable innovation. In the United States, successful founders reinvest their capital and experience into the next generation of start-ups. This creates a powerful flywheel of talent, mentorship and capital. In the UK, existing gaps in funding, expertise and confidence will only widen if we do not retain and champion our top entrepreneurial talent.
This is playing out already. London, I am sad to report, is no longer Europe’s leading technology hub, according to Dealroom’s latest Global Tech Ecosystem Index. A recent survey of founders by Tech Nation found that 43% were actively considering leaving Britain. We are also struggling to hold on to the few British tech companies that have scaled domestically. This week’s unicorn is not the only one galloping overseas. Alphawave, Wise and Deliveroo have departed to the US by way of acquisition or relisting this year. Unless we act decisively, we will continue to erode the foundations required for long-term global competitiveness. As much as the Minister will not welcome me saying so, the day-one rights and other measures in the Employment Rights Bill will only deter further UK tech firms from scaling and staying here.
We received the Government’s response to our report in April. While it was supportive of our findings, it was thin, pointing to a series of policy announcements due in the spring. It is now summer, and while the Government have shed light on some issues through their announcements this week, we are still in the dark on several others. I will address each of these in turn, and I have several questions for the Minister.
I start with funding. The UK’s lack of scale-up capital is the most important barrier that needs to be tackled. The Council for Science and Technology has highlighted improvements in early-stage investment, such as seed funding and start-up investment, but it has stressed that UK companies have been “starved” by a lack of scale-up funding. The Capital Markets Industry Taskforce identified a $30 billion gap between the UK and Silicon Valley for funding rounds of more than $100 million.
A lack of domestic institutional investment is part of the problem. Just 10% of Britain’s venture capital pool comes from pension funds. In the US it is more than 70%, and Canadian pension funds invest 15 times what UK pension funds invest in private equity and VC. The Government acknowledged this funding gap for scale-ups and pointed to ongoing pension reforms, such as the new Mansion House accord. That is welcome in principle. However, the push-back from pension funds against a mandate to invest in UK-based assets suggests that these reforms may not be a silver bullet. Personally, I am very nervous about mandating, but I also know that we cannot afford to wait years for pension reforms to trickle through. We must actively crowd in capital now. When will the Government’s initiatives result in tangible improvements in capital access for our most innovative firms? How are the Government making sure that voluntary commitments translate into real action from institutional investors?
The committee heard that another source of confusion for businesses looking to scale is the plethora of disconnected programmes and government grants available to them. This has arisen over many years and is not a new problem, but I have described it in the past as a kind of bowl of spaghetti drowned in alphabet soup. In our report, we recommended that the Government evaluate the impact and join-up of initiatives administered by UKRI and the British Business Bank in particular. I was therefore pleased to hear Tom Adeyoola, Innovate UK’s new chair, acknowledge that the current system is a hindrance rather than an enabler, and I welcome his ambition to bring greater focus to the agency because it is really needed. I was also relieved to discover, since our report, that the British Business Bank has retired its various sub-brands. This is a step in the right direction towards simplifying the schemes that were previously on offer, but the Chancellor’s welcome decision this week to increase the BBB’s financing capacity makes the need for a clearer strategy and a more coherent offer for scale-ups even more important. Can the Minister provide an update on UKRI’s review of its portfolio of funding and support to SMEs, which was due this spring? Can she offer examples of how the memorandum of understanding between UKRI and the BBB is creating a clearer pathway of support for scale-ups?
The Government promised us that their new business growth service will
“ensure a joined-up, coherent approach to the government’s suite of business support programmes”.
That would indeed be welcome, but I have concerns that this will instead become yet another thread in an already tangled web, and that is before we take account of the new sovereign AI unit announced this week. Can the Minister clarify how the business growth service will streamline the journey for innovative firms? Can she reassure me that the partnership between the BBB and the sovereign AI unit will truly put boosters on our emerging AI champions?
Our evidence was clear about the strategic importance of AI in driving innovation and growth across multiple sectors. The AI Opportunities Action Plan, which the Government published in January, was a good start. It set out ambitious proposals that match the scale of AI’s transformative potential, which have now been backed up by funding for delivery in this week’s spending review.
However, a plan is only the start. The Government must be laser-focused on removing obstacles to growth for home-grown AI companies. For example, access to compute was consistently raised in our evidence as a critical enabler for AI scale-ups. We heard that the Government’s decision last August to cancel investment in the Edinburgh exascale supercomputer left the entrepreneurial community deeply unimpressed. It was therefore good to hear this week that it will now receive £750 million of government funding, but the Government’s hokey-cokey on this issue has been damaging and means that we have lost valuable time. The Government promised in their action plan to expand public compute infrastructure 20-fold by 2030, with a long-term strategy published by the spring, but that strategy has yet to materialise. Can the Minister confirm whether it will be published before the Summer Recess?
Our report also emphasised that effective and agile regulation is crucial if we are to support innovation. However, we heard widespread concerns about confusion in the current regulatory landscape, particularly in relation to AI. We need proportionate oversight that gives confidence without stifling innovation or creating new barriers to entry. It is home-grown AI companies, not big tech incumbents, that will drive the innovation needed to realise the UK’s AI potential.
Open markets and open competition are essential to ensure that they have a fighting chance, which is why successful implementation of the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act is vital. We welcomed the creation of the Regulatory Innovation Office, which has been nicknamed RIO, but we emphasised the importance of clarifying its remit and its interrelationship with other regulatory bodies. Unfortunately, those concerns have not yet been addressed, and the extent of its powers over other regulators remains unclear. I am pleased that the Government were wise enough to appoint my noble friend Lord Willetts as the chair of RIO, and I am delighted that he is speaking in today’s debate. None the less, as the person accountable to Parliament, can the Minister provide detail on how she expects RIO to drive behavioural change to boost innovation across sectors?
I turn to the createch sector, where two UK strengths—creativity and technological innovation—meet. For those not familiar with createch, it covers gaming but also visual effects and that sort of thing. The think-tank Erskine Analysis estimates that createch companies could generate up to £18 billion in additional gross value added over the next decade, with the right support. We found that the wider issues of funding and co-ordination are particularly acute for createch firms. The creative sector has suffered from poor investor understanding and a lack of specialised investment vehicles. In addition, various schemes administered across DCMS and UKRI have paused and restarted, leading to confusion and duplication. As I said before, that is not a new problem; it has been the case over a period of time. It is worth noting that, while the Government tout the creative industries as one of their eight key sectors, it was not mentioned once in the Chancellor’s spending review speech on Wednesday.
Let me add that I would never criticise Ministers, or indeed the Prime Minister, for meeting tech founders. That is good; it is when Ministers do not pay regard to other important sectors that trouble is caused.
In their response to us, the Government promised that all would be revealed in an industrial strategy sector plan for the creative industries and told us that UKRI would develop a new strategy for the creative sector. So when will either of those be published?
I cannot not mention the issue of AI and copyright. Unfortunately, despite admirable efforts by many noble Lords—I am pleased to see that the noble Baroness, Lady Kidron, will be speaking shortly—progress remains elusive. Now that Parliament has dispatched the Data (Use and Access) Bill, focus turns to the Government’s commitment to host industry roundtables. Clearly, these must be successful, but, for me, when they were announced, they elicited a horrible sense of déjà vu. I worry that the Government’s mishandling will have made the prospect of negotiations even harder. I hope I am wrong, because our inquiry made it clear, as did every inquiry through which the committee examined the issue of copyright in an AI world over the last three years, that innovation and creativity must go hand in hand, not toe to toe. The one thing all parties can agree on is that resolution of this issue is urgent.
In conclusion, the Government’s tone on many of the issues covered in our report is encouraging, but warm words do not scale companies and time is not on our side. While the Government consult and reorganise, the global market races ahead. Other countries are acting boldly, and we must do the same. We are doing a disservice to our strong start-up ecosystem and our brightest AI and createch companies if we do not support them to achieve their full potential and become world leaders on a global stage. And, my God, do we have the talent: GBx, a group that brings together Brits in Silicon Valley, is calling the British talent that dominates so much of the big tech based over there “power Brits”. We need those power Brits to want to be here in the UK.
The committee’s message was clear: we have many of the ingredients needed to make the UK a home for scale-up success stories. What we lack is action, and if we do not act soon we will be left only to dream of unicorns, never mind bemoan the ones that gallop away. I look forward to the contributions of all noble Lords during this debate. Some illustrious speakers are going to follow me, and I wish both maiden speakers all the very best.
Before my noble friend sits down, the problem with AI is that it uses astronomical amounts of electricity, and we have some of the highest electricity prices in the developed world. Does she think electricity prices are going to inhibit the growth of AI in this country?
My noble friend is right that the cost of energy in the UK is very much a deterrent to a lot of inward investment. It is not deterring them completely, but I was talking only yesterday to a very senior figure at Amazon and, as you would expect, he was drawing comparisons between us and France. I said earlier that London is no longer the leading tech hub, and according to one of these analysts the country that is really champing at our heels is France.
I beg to move.
My Lords, this has been an excellent debate. I thank the Minister for her comprehensive response. I know this debate comes at the end of yet another busy week for her—handling the data Bill and the Employment Rights Bill, and she has just referred to being at London Tech Week too. She talked about a lot of activity coming from the Government, and I hope she can carve out enough time in her schedule over the next few months to make sure the activity leads to the outcomes and results that are much needed in this area. Speaking as a former Minister, I know what it is like to think that it is all happening because we have said it is happening, but it needs a lot of concentrated supervision.
I thank all noble Lords who have contributed. It has been fascinating and heartening to hear noble Lords cover topics that I did not and that are so important to this debate. My noble friend Lord Hamilton raised energy right at the start, but we have also heard about skills, the importance of data and government procurement. Government procurement is particularly important to emphasise, because not only does procurement—rather than grants—more often help the success of these companies but it is an important aspect to the deployment and adoption of the new technology. It is an area where even more focus is needed from the Government, to make sure that companies can get the access to contracts that they deserve.
I congratulate my noble friends Lord Massey and Lord Evans on their maiden speeches. Both have played significant roles in the Conservative Party and have demonstrated today their strong credentials as contributors to this House. My noble friend Lord Evans was modest in his mention of the work he does to support Women2Win. He plays a big part in helping women who are novice politicians in their preparation for the daunting task of facing selection meetings.
My noble friend Lord Massey gave an impressive set of recommendations to unlock more investment capital, and his analysis of the barriers that deter risk-taking was very powerful. He referenced the FCA and financial regulation as problems in this area. Although he is not in his place, it is worth me giving a plug to the report published today by the Financial Services Regulation Committee, which my noble friend Lord Forsyth chairs; it is very much about regulation in the financial sector and what it needs to do.
My noble friend Lord Willetts, the noble Viscount, Lord Stansgate, and the noble Lord, Lord Clement-Jones, referred to the trio of Select Committee reports on the challenge of scale-ups. My noble friend Lady Fall referred to a report this week from the Tony Blair Institute on the topic of scale-ups. All of this shows that the challenge of scaling up in AI and creative tech—and, indeed, the tech sector more broadly—is not going away. We have enough understanding now of the obstacles and how to deal with them. As my noble friend Lord Willetts said, if we focus on the companies that have the potential to scale rapidly, the challenge should be manageable. Even if we have grappled with it now for more than 10 years, there is just too much at stake for us not to succeed.
To finish, I know it is a bit of a cliché but it is true that it has been a privilege to chair the Communications and Digital Select Committee. I thank noble Lords for their very kind words about me today. I also thank again the colleagues I have worked with, and particularly the committee staff, both the current team and their predecessors—they really are superb. I wish my esteemed successor, the noble Baroness, Lady Keeley, great success; I am sure that the committee will thrive under her chairmanship.
Finally, I thank all the people I have met from the tech, media, creative and telecom sectors over the last three years. I am full of admiration for them and all they do to advance their businesses and contribute to the economy and our society, and I wish them continued success.
(13 years, 4 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I have found this debate fascinating, and I congratulate my noble friend Lady Hooper on her patience, as I know she has waited a long time to secure it. Her thoughtful and expert contribution—and indeed those from all noble Lords—clearly demonstrates why, as she says, this topic is still relevant today.
It was clear from the contributions by the noble Baroness, Lady Howells of St Davids, and my noble friend Lady Benjamin that this topic arouses a lot of passion and emotion because of our ties with the part of the world that we are discussing. In my response I will try to do justice to the points that have been raised. I thank the noble Viscount, Lord Montgomery of Alamein, for his welcome to me on this topic, which is one that I know noble Lords in the Chamber today have debated on previous occasions.
As set out in our White Paper, Trade and Investment for Growth, published last year, this Government uphold fully the principles of free and open markets. Free trade reduces the cost of goods and inputs to consumers and manufacturers. It stimulates competitiveness and spurs innovation. Most importantly, free trade, especially at this time, supports sustainable and balanced growth which is, to state the obvious, essential to the global economy. As well as free trade, we believe in non-discrimination between countries at a similar level of development. The European Union’s Geneva Agreement on Trade in Bananas, introduced in 2009, supports both these principles.
Prior to that agreement, the high tariffs placed on bananas imported into the European Union from countries other than the so-called ACP group—Africa, Caribbean and the Pacific—were plainly discriminatory. Not only did that restrict market access and opportunities to banana producers in Latin America and elsewhere, it also raised the price of bananas for consumers in Europe. As I think most noble Lords would agree, those outcomes were not fair, reasonable or economically sensible. By contrast, the Geneva agreement will reduce discriminatory tariffs by 2018, and that reduction will bring considerable benefits.
I shall start with the benefits for the consumer. As my noble friend Lady Hooper has summarised in her remarks, bananas are the most widely bought fruit in the UK. Indeed, in 2010 they accounted for 27 per cent of all fresh fruit purchases. Incidentally, we buy more fair trade bananas than the rest of the world combined. My noble friend asked about the labelling of fair trade bananas and why they did not identify their country of origin. I imagine that the boxes in which the bananas are carried into stores will state their country of origin. I am not sure of the answer to the question about their individual packaging, but I will write to my noble friend. It is true that we are the main source for fair trade bananas. I was interested to hear that earlier today the noble Earl, Lord Sandwich, spotted fair trade bananas in the Bishops’ Bar.
The price of bananas has fallen by around 10 per cent over the past 10 years, due to more efficient production and distribution. Further reductions on tariffs should help maintain this trend. The noble Earl asked what the Government were doing to combat a banana price war. The market will always determine the price of commodities; it is not the role of Governments to seek to control that.
The Geneva agreement will also support the industry, as the more efficient producers will be able to compete more fairly. I will come shortly to support for the Caribbean area, but in the long term, the agreement will support Caribbean and other ACP economies as it will encourage efficient production or diversification into other economic sectors better suited to local conditions.
While removing discriminatory tariffs is the right approach, of course I recognise that adapting to a new set of circumstances brings a number of challenges to producers in Africa and the Caribbean, as has been identified by noble Lords this evening. It is therefore right that countries are given time to adjust, and it is why the Geneva agreement will take up to nine years to be fully implemented.
My noble friend Lady Hooper asked whether the agreement is working. It is too early to assess the full impact of the agreement on both the Latin American and ACP producers. It is worth pointing out that since 2009 when the agreement first came into force, the share of the EU market has in broad terms remained unchanged in that the Latin American countries have retained about 70 per cent of the market. My noble friend Lady Benjamin gave specific statistics regarding individual ACP countries; I am afraid that I do not have them in front of me, but the total figure in terms of region has remained steady. That said, when the agreement was finalised, the Commission clearly assessed its potential impact. It calculated that the tariff changes were unlikely to have any major macroeconomic impact on the ACP group of countries as a whole. However, the Commission’s analysis also concluded that there could be significant loss of export revenue for some, in particular for Dominica and St Vincent. There could be consequences for some individual producers if cost-saving measures were not introduced, leading to job losses and localised social difficulties—in other words, if those producers did not or could not increase their efficiency in order to compete.
The Commission’s overall assessment was the rationale for providing further assistance—the banana accompanying measures, or BAMs as they are sometimes known and have been referred to by several noble Lords this evening—on top of the restructuring activities that had been undertaken with EC funding from 1994 until 2008. This assistance package of up to €190 million should be the final tranche of support for banana producers either to increase their international competitiveness for the adoption of new technology or diversify into other economic sectors. Several noble Lords asked what might follow the four-year period. It is worth pointing out that one of the reasons why it has been possible for the European Union to introduce these BAMs and the support is precisely because they are temporary. Had they been a permanent measure, they would not have been compliant with the WTO agreement.
The noble Lord, Lord Foulkes, and my noble friend Lady Benjamin, along with others, expressed disappointment about these funds having yet to reach the producers they are meant to help. We share that disappointment. Initially, as the noble Lord, Lord Foulkes, indicated, the problem was related to internal wrangling over competence between the Commission and the European Parliament. However, noble Lords will be pleased to know that, as the noble Lord, Lord Foulkes, has indicated, this has now been resolved. That resolution means that there are no further excuses for delay. To that end, the head of DfID’s office in the Caribbean has raised the issue of slow disbursement rates with the Commission, most recently on a visit to Brussels last December. We have been lobbying our European partners in Brussels as well. This evening I can at least share with noble Lords that the EC delegation expects approval for disbursement for Jamaica and Belize in summer 2012. We need to keep up the pressure—I will certainly use this evening’s debate as a way of providing ammunition for our representatives in the region—but at the moment that is as much as I can offer.
If I had been as courteous as the noble Viscount, Lord Montgomery, I would have welcomed the Minister to the debate and to the Dispatch Box. She has been very helpful. As I have said on several occasions, I have great respect for our Ministers in DfID, Andrew Mitchell, Alan Duncan and Stephen O’Brien. We have a very good team there. Surely one of them could go over to Brussels, as Clare Short and I used to, to give them a shaking and make sure that this money gets flowing as quickly as possible. That is something that can be done. We have a powerful team there. If the Minister draws attention to the widespread support across every Bench in this Chamber, whichever one of them goes can go with our wholehearted blessing.
I think they will hear that message loud and clear from the noble Lord, for which I am grateful.
Despite the setback on BAMs, previous assistance given to banana producers is having some effect. Some countries, namely Cameroon, Belize, Suriname and Ivory Coast, are increasing production and continue to use EC trade assistance funds to increase their competitiveness. I am conscious of the time so I will keep rattling on. However, some countries no longer find it economic to continue in banana production. Other producers have opted to diversify into other sectors such as poultry farming, or on-farm agriprocessing. In Jamaica, 35,000 people have benefited from 15 projects supported by the EC’s special framework programme for banana producers.
Very briefly, there may well be scope in my noble friend’s suggestion of using bananas as a new source of energy. I will certainly inquire and, if there is anything to report, come back to my noble friend.
The noble Baroness, Lady Howells, and the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, raised the serious issue of drugs and whether some banana producers might turn to producing drugs if they go out of business. Obviously the drugs trade is a pernicious problem and requires the international community to work together to tackle it effectively. We are working closely with the Governments of the Caribbean to eradicate this problem. I am not aware of any evidence that ex-banana growers are more likely than others to take up drug production or trade but it is clearly something that we need to watch out for. Indeed, it was raised at the UK-Caribbean Forum last month, as my noble friend Lady Benjamin mentioned.
There is much that I could cover in my closing remarks but I am conscious of the time. However, I should like to say that, separate from our responsibilities via the EU, the UK Government are doing a great deal to support the Caribbean. We have the interests of the people of the Caribbean very close to our hearts. Four British Ministers, including the Foreign Secretary himself, participated in last month’s UK-Caribbean Forum in Grenada, at which agreement was reached on an action plan to co-operate on a series of programmes to promote economic resilience, tackling climate change, the environment and sustainable development. The Minister of State for International Development announced the first grants under our new £10 million contribution to the Compete Caribbean initiative for private sector development and job creation.
Several noble Lords have raised the issue of air passenger duty. There was an Oral Question on this topic only two weeks ago, so I will not repeat the points made at that time. However, at that same event to which I have just referred, the issue was raised and the difficulties were acknowledged by my right honourable friend William Hague.
I conclude by saying that we will continue to monitor closely the impact of the Geneva agreement on the banana industry. Most importantly, we believe the combined effect of increased free trade via the agreement, together with the support we are providing to the ACP countries more generally, should provide economic benefits for the peoples in all the countries directly affected.
It has been a great privilege to respond to the debate today. I thank all noble Lords who have contributed to it.
(14 years, 3 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I echo the congratulations given to the noble Baroness, Lady Gould of Potternewton, on securing this debate. It is a real privilege to participate in it with so many distinguished noble Baronesses. I confess that until recently I did not know that there was such a thing as International Women’s Day. When I found out about it, I was a bit disappointed, because to my mind every day is women’s day. If it is not, it should be.
Women are different from men, and I state the obvious because we as women are underselling that fact as our USP. In the recent report by the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Abersoch, about women on boards, the most interesting aspect, which did not get enough attention when the report was published, was not that more women should be on boards but that having more experienced and successful women on boards is important to business. The answer, it seems, is that more of us equals more commercial success.
I will not repeat the evidence in that report, to which the noble Baroness, Lady Howe of Idlicote, referred, but it showed that we women bring not just equal ability but something different to the table. When we get on to those boards, or arrive anywhere, what is it about us that makes a difference? The noble Lord, Lord Sugar, perhaps gave us a clue when he talked about his experience of women executives being more focused and lacking in ego in the way that they made their contributions to his organisations. Perhaps we will never have a clear answer to the question, and the simple fact that we make a positive impact might be reason enough.
However, something is getting in the way of us achieving the access that we need to make a difference in more of those major corporations—a difference that would be in everyone’s interest. There is recent evidence from research taken among women managers already working in big organisations that low self-confidence is creating a barrier to their chances of reaching the boardroom. However, the same cannot be said for all women. Indeed, increasing numbers of younger women in particular are aspiring to run their own businesses.
It seems that when we can control the criteria that determine our success, little gets in our way. I do not think that we as women need more self-confidence in our ability, we just need to be more confident that the choices we make and the priorities we have as women reinforce what makes us different, and therefore valuable. We also need more confidence that those who control the channels of opportunity, especially in big business, want successful and able women from all backgrounds to put themselves forward.
Finally, I will mention a small group of women in Nottingham who I know well. So that they know I am talking about them, because they tell me that they are following my progress, I shall share with noble Lords the name they jokingly give themselves. They call themselves the riff-raff girls. Between them they have won battles with cancer, and they have coped with widowhood, some of them at a young age when they still had young families, with the loss of close family members in tragic circumstances, some of them including their children, and with the other kinds of everyday trials and tribulations that ordinary women with modest incomes face and cope with all the time. What makes these ladies so special—and I stress the word “ladies”, as these women, most of whom are pensioners, are most certainly not riff-raff—is their zest and joy for life. These women face challenges every day, but they never let that get in the way of having an honest good time. I would like to dedicate my speech in this debate about women to those very special ladies.