Nagorno-Karabakh
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Baroness Northover (LD)
Are the Government aware of reports that a Turkish security company has been recruiting Syrian fighters from Idlib to fight in Azerbaijan? Does the Minister see this as a very dangerous development?
Baroness Sugg (Con)
My Lords, we are not able to confirm the media reporting of the recruitment of Syrian troops. We remain concerned about the recent ceasefire violations and of course deeply regret the loss of life. We will continue to monitor the situation closely.
Hong Kong: Political Situation
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Baroness Northover
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the current political situation in Hong Kong.
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon) (Con)
My Lords, we are deeply concerned by the situation in Hong Kong. The new national security law is a clear and serious breach of the Sino-British joint declaration and directly threatens a number of Hong Kong’s rights and freedoms. The UK will not look the other way on Hong Kong and we will not duck our historic responsibilities to its people. We will continue working with partners to hold China to its international obligations.
Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, China has broken its treaty obligations—I am sure the Minister agrees that we must never do the same with any of ours—suspended elections in Hong Kong, and compromised the judiciary, the free press and free speech. Will the Government extend the pathway to citizenship beyond BNO passport holders to the many young Hong Kongers who are currently excluded, but are particularly vulnerable to intimidation and arbitrary arrest?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, I agree that the situation for all people in Hong Kong is challenging at the moment. Recent arrests after the national security law was brought in have put that into focus. The BNO route, which was announced by my right honourable friend the Home Secretary, provides direct assistance, as we promised. Anyone else, from anywhere in the world, who seeks the protection of the UK because of persecution will be looked at on a case-by-case basis.
Belarus: Presidential Elections
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Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
My Lords, the Statement by the Foreign Secretary has the full support of Labour. The Government are right to sanction Lukashenko’s regime; we should not stand idly by as he disregards the voice of his own people and continues with a brutal crackdown on their human rights. I am pleased that the Government has sought agreement with the US and Canada before implementation of these powers: international co-operation is the greatest tool we have to confront Lukashenko and the world must demonstrate a collective intolerance of his actions.
The Foreign Secretary yesterday referenced the issues which the EU is facing, preventing the implementation of its own sanctions. Has the UK spoken to the Government of Cyprus to encourage their support for the global efforts against Lukashenko? Of course, for sanctions to be most effective, they will require implementation by further allies beyond those already mentioned, so what steps is the Foreign Secretary taking to encourage our other democratic allies to sanction Lukashenko’s regime also?
There should be no human rights abuser untouched by these sanctions if we are to best support the people of Belarus. While we await the list of targets referenced by the Foreign Secretary, we can be certain that there will be omissions, because of the scope of the Magnitsky powers. Specifically, in relation to the comments yesterday by the Foreign Secretary that the Government are looking very carefully at the prospect of including corruption, can the noble Baroness estimate when a decision may be reached on this important aspect?
In addition to the sanctions, the Government have also pledged further funding for civil society groups. In response to a question yesterday on whether any of this will support the persecuted trade unionists of Belarus, the Foreign Secretary said:
“I join … in the spirit of solidarity with unions … We certainly stand with them … for the basic principles of freedom and liberty”.—[Official Report, Commons, 24/9/20; col. 1180.]
What form will this expression of solidarity take? Have the Government and the Foreign Secretary engaged with the European TUC on this?
While we hope that the measures announced will achieve their intended goal, I am pleased that the Government are open to the possibility of further actions with our international partners. While I accept that the Minister cannot spell out exactly what these steps may be, I would be grateful if she could offer clarification on a few points. On the prospect of mediation, the Foreign Secretary said:
“I know that the Germans and others in the EU have been reaching out on all sides”.—[Official Report, Commons, 24/9/20; col. 1175.]
In his discussions at Chevening, did the Foreign Secretary offer UK support to Germany on such initiatives? As he was unable to give confirmation to the shadow Foreign Secretary yesterday, can the noble Baroness say whether the Government are exploring measures to help those blacklisted from their jobs in Belarus? Will the Government consider expanding the Chevening scholarships in response to the persecution of academics? How is the UK embassy supporting BBC journalists against attacks on them and their families? We support the Statement.
Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, I thank the Minister and the Foreign Secretary for this very clear Statement. The Foreign Secretary is right to state unequivocally that the elections in Belarus were not free or fair. I am very glad that we are taking action as a result. These Benches also give the Government our full support.
It is appalling to see the violence, the imprisonment and expulsion of opposition candidates and the arbitrary arrests of their supporters. I also note what the Foreign Secretary said about the targeting of the press, including the BBC, and of our own embassy staff.
It is remarkable to see that, week after week, despite the crackdowns we have seen, the people in Belarus are marching to make their point despite the personal risks to them. The women in Belarus have been astonishingly brave, stepping into leadership roles despite the risks to their safety and that of their families.
I welcome the fact that we are preparing Magnitsky sanctions against those who are responsible for these serious human rights violations and that we are co-ordinating with the United States and Canada on this. I am also glad that we are working closely with our EU neighbours as well.
The noble Baroness will know that I regret the fact that we are outside the EU and that we and our able diplomats cannot engage on this from the inside, because this is precisely the kind of situation where the UK has in the past had a disproportionate effect as a member. Now we have to influence from the outside. We make it more difficult for like-minded countries in the EU to persuade Cyprus, for example, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Collins, that what is required here is a laser focus on Belarus and not on other issues, however important they may be for regional stability in the Mediterranean.
Coming back to the sanctions, the Foreign Secretary refers to the appalling abuse of women and notes that UN human rights experts have reported that female protesters have been threatened with violence, including rape. As the Government draw up the sanctions, will they work with their allies to make sure that the abuse of women is fully recognised as the human rights violation that it is? It took a long time to recognise rape as a war crime, but it is, and we know how sexual abuse is deliberately used to undermine opposition. Can the noble Baroness assure me that violence against women will be fully taken into account as these sanctions are drawn up?
Like the noble Lord, Lord Collins, I will ask about progress on extending the Magnitsky sanctions to cover corruption, as planned. I am very glad that they have this under active development. When does she think the Government will be ready to announce their plans?
In terms of financial wrongdoing, London and the banks here have negatively been in the news over recent days. It is clearly vital that fraud, corruption and money laundering are pursued. Even if this were not the right thing to do, it would be vital if London is to retain its key position as a leading financial market post Brexit. The sooner the Government explicitly back-track on their plan to break international law, the better it will be going forward. I am well aware that countries look to engage, for example, on the London Stock Exchange because this country is seen as a beacon for the rule of law. That needs to be strengthened, not weakened. What checks are being made on corrupt resources from Belarus going through London? Also, is there any equipment originating in the UK, for example for crowd control, that ends up in Belarus? Are we carefully scrutinising that?
The press has been under attack and the BBC has been targeted. I am very glad the Foreign Secretary is supporting the BBC. In this context, will the Minister’s new department properly value the BBC World Service? It is vital for the free press as an unbiased source of news that helps to underpin human rights and liberal democracy around the world.
Lastly, we are all holding our breath as to what Putin may do and what the consequences of that might be for the people in Belarus and the region. I note that the Government are actively engaging with the Government of Lithuania. The Baltic states are particularly vulnerable not just to what is happening on their border with Belarus but to Russia’s actions in terms of trade, for example, and how that might be throttled. I look forward to the Minister’s response.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Baroness Sugg) (Con)
My Lords, I am grateful for the full support of the noble Lord and the noble Baroness. It is a powerful statement of solidarity for the people of Belarus. Like both of them, I am appalled at the arbitrary detention and abuse of protesters that we have seen.
The noble Lord highlights the importance of international co-operation. The UK is working very closely in the OSCE and the UN Security Council and with our Five Eyes partners and our European allies to make sure that we have a common approach. He also asked about sanctions. As the Foreign Secretary said yesterday in the other place, we will join the EU in adopting targeted sanctions against those responsible for violence, repression and vote-rigging in Belarus—although, as the noble Lord highlighted, the EU process has been delayed. Given that delay and Lukashenko’s fraudulent inauguration, the Foreign Secretary has directed the FCDO sanction team to prepare Magnitsky sanctions for those responsible, and we are co-ordinating very closely with the US and Canada to prepare appropriate listings as a matter of urgency.
The noble Lord and the noble Baroness asked about corruption. As they highlighted, corruption is not currently covered by the Magnitsky sanctions; they deal with a slew of the most serious human rights violations and cover those who profit from human rights abuses, but the Foreign Secretary is looking very carefully at how we can extend the next step of the Magnitsky sanctions to corruption and similar types of offences. He will say more on that in due course, but I am afraid I do not have a date at the moment.
The noble Lord highlighted our close working with the French and the Germans. The UK hosted an E3 meeting recently where we discussed this important matter and the imposition of sanctions. When the Foreign Secretary was in the US last week, he discussed the matter with Secretary of State Pompeo.
The noble Lord spoke about the trade unions and highlighted the Foreign Secretary’s words about them yesterday in the other place. The trade union movement has been closely aligned with the human rights movement and the cause of liberty for many years. We have doubled our support for civil society organisations and are working closely in Belarus with people on the ground to decide exactly how best to distribute that money, including with academics, trade unions and civil society.
Like the noble Baroness, I pay tribute to the brave women who have played such a prominent role in the opposition to Lukashenko’s fraudulent election. They have led an incredibly effective and unified opposition campaign in really trying circumstances. There have been first-hand accounts, witness reports and statements by the UN OHCHR stating that women have been detained and subject to beatings and the threat of rape. That is never acceptable. Of course we will recognise the abuse of women as we prepare our sanctions and will continue to lead the way with our work on preventing sexual violence in conflict. We are very pleased to be co-hosting the action coalition on gender-based violence for the following year, where we will do more work on this.
The noble Baroness also highlighted the importance of cracking down on illegal finance activities. Of course, criminals, from Belarus and elsewhere, should not be able to profit from their illegal activities in any circumstances. Banks should be, and have been, taking steps to ensure that this is not happening on their watch. The UK is internationally recognised as having one of the strongest systems to tackle money laundering and terrorist financing and to bring justice to those who seek to use or hide the proceeds of crime, as found by the Financial Action Task Force. We will continue to crack down hard on dirty money through our world-leading legislation, unexplained wealth orders and the measures in our economic crime and asset recovery plans.
The noble Baroness also asked about exports to Belarus. The UK currently implements EU sanctions on Belarus, which include an arms embargo and the ban on exporting equipment which might be used for internal repression. We will continue to observe those restrictions through our autonomous Belarus sanctions regime after the transition period has ended. The noble Baroness also highlighted the importance of media freedom; as she will know, the FCDO supports the BBC World Service. I agree with her that it does incredibly important work, both to ensure fair reporting and to support other independent journalists who are having such a difficult time in Belarus at the moment.
China: Uighur Internment Camps
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Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
I can assure the noble Baroness that the Government’s priority is, and will remain, to stand up against abuses of all human rights and for freedom of religion or belief anywhere in the world.
Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, the noble Lord will now be very familiar with the China Tribunal’s conclusions on the forced removal of organs from the Uighurs and others. Are the Government now taking this report seriously? Are the Magnitsky sanctions being considered for those who may be involved in this appalling practice?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, on the noble Baroness’s second point, I cannot speculate on designations. On the organ harvesting report, I have, as she knows, met with Sir Geoffrey Nice. We have also carefully considered the group’s report of 1 March. That report contains numerous disturbing allegations of serious human rights abuses, including sexual violence, torture, and forced DNA testing. After reviewing the situation this morning, I have again written formally to the World Health Organization
Nigeria: Religious Violence
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Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, we are working with the Government of Nigeria, and with NGOs and faith NGOs on the ground, such as Christian Aid and the Catholic Agency for Overseas Development, to support communities--particularly those that have been displaced--and we will continue to do so.
Baroness Northover (LD) [V]
My Lords, Amal Clooney has just resigned as envoy on media freedom because of the Government’s statement that they may not respect an international treaty that they have just agreed and signed. What challenge does this situation pose for the Minister as he makes the UK’s case for media freedom and freedom of religion and belief, including in relation to Nigeria, at UN bodies and elsewhere?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, I remain resolute in standing up against human rights abuses in whichever forum I attend, and will continue to do so on behalf of Her Majesty’s Government.
Taiwan
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Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, on the noble Lord’s second point, concerns have been raised with the World Health Organization on the issue of organ harvesting. I know the noble Lord is aware that the evidence does not comply with action in this regard, but I am sure that we will return to those discussions.
On the initial question about the World Health Organization and World Health Assembly, we continue to lobby in that respect. This is an organisation where the criteria that I outlined earlier about statehood not being a prerequisite applies. Given the performance of Taiwan in dealing with the Covid-19 crisis, I think that it has an important contribution to make in this regard.
Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, the US Mission to the UN has tweeted that the UN
“was founded to serve … all voices”
in the world, and that
“Barring … Taiwan … is an affront not just to the … Taiwanese people, but to UN principles.”
Does the Minister agree?
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)
My Lords, as I have just said in my previous answer, we regard the relationship with Taiwan as an important one bilaterally. Equally, we believe that Taiwan has a role to play in international organisations where statehood is not a prerequisite. In the current pandemic of Covid-19, Taiwan’s response shows that it can make a valuable contribution. Therefore, we hope that in November, for example, at the World Health Assembly, it is allowed to attend as an observer.
Treaty Scrutiny: Working Practices (EUC Report)
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Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, I too thank the noble Lords who have introduced these three impressive reports. As my noble friends Lord Purvis and Lord Wallace have noted, it is an irony that the Committee is having this debate on a day on which the Government have flagged that they may go back on an agreement they have already made, with the EU, on the Northern Ireland border. If indeed that is what they plan to do, this has huge consequences for peace on the island of Ireland, and for the unity of the United Kingdom. I expect emollient words, as usual, from the Minister, whatever he may privately feel. The Government do seem to be rowing back a little today, but whose bright idea was it to throw out agreements already made? When I bear in mind how we endeavour to ensure that China adheres to its signature on the 1997 Sino-British treaty on Hong Kong, the Minister will absolutely know what risky ground the Government may well be on. How can we ask others to adhere to treaties if we feel we can pick and choose which ones we will adhere to?
It is clearly vital to the rules-based global order, which we say we support, that countries guide their relationships through treaties, not conflict, and adhere to agreements made. Treaties have become more numerous and complicated than was the case with traditional peace treaties, or ones which bound one country to assist another if attacked. The Constitution Committee’s 2019 report, Parliamentary Scrutiny of Treaties, noted this, and that Brexit made the examination of treaties, which were now likely to multiply, very pressing for the United Kingdom. It pointed out:
“During the … UK’s membership of the EU, the nature of treaties changed fundamentally—broadening from areas largely associated with international affairs—peace settlements and security alliances—to wide-ranging economic and trade agreements, encompassing diverse public policy issues.”
There had already long been concern about Parliament’s ability or otherwise to scrutinise treaties, dating back to Victorian times, as the noble and learned Lord, Lord Goldsmith, said. I recall the concern in the early 2000s about the agreement we made with the United States on extradition, which was not subject to parliamentary scrutiny and was not reciprocal. We see those concerns playing out in reality now, not least in the case of Anne Sacoolas and Harry Dunn, yet we have had to extradite those with clear and major mental health problems.
The CRaG Act of 2010 sought to address some of the concerns about proper and thorough scrutiny of treaties, just as legislation should also be subject to proper and thorough scrutiny, not least lest unintended consequences may be shown up. As the noble Lord, Lord Whitty, the noble Baronesses, Lady D’Souza and Lady Donaghy, and other noble Lords have said, CRaG is not fit for purpose post Brexit. The Act requires that a treaty be laid before Parliament 21 sitting days before ratification, alongside explanations of any such treaty. That was certainly a step forward, but it has not proved effective in providing adequate scrutiny or, in effect, allowing Parliament the power to amend a treaty or prevent ratification. It occurs when the treaty has already been agreed. As the noble Earl, Lord Kinnoull, pointed out, most treaties were scrutinised within the European Parliament.
It is clearly important to look at such treaties in advance, before they are concluded; otherwise, the matter is delivered as a fait accompli. It is a bit like the case with statutory instruments, where you do not necessarily want to reject the whole SI—an action regarded as a very rare nuclear option.
Scrutiny of treaties has not kept up with where we are. As the noble Lord, Lord Boswell, and others put it, scrutiny is essential. As the nature and number of treaties expanded while we were in the EU, many of them were negotiated at an EU level. The noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, may wish to go back to a pre-common market period, but life has moved on—and so have treaties.
The noble Lord, Lord Lansley, and others pointed out that transparency does not impede the Government but can assist them. My noble friend Lady Bowles showed how it helped in the case of EU negotiations with the United States. Now that we are negotiating our own treaties, such as trade deals, updating how we scrutinise them becomes urgent. My noble friend Lord Beith and the noble Lord, Lord Bilimoria, emphasised how important such trade deals are.
The International Agreements Sub-Committee was set up to address, as it was put, “some of the deficiencies” of Parliament’s current treaty scrutiny processes. Surely the noble Lords, Lord Lansley and Lord Whitty, are right that the committee should stand alone and not just as a sub-committee of the European Union Committee. Given all that was said about “taking back control” to be delivered by Brexit—reference has been made to that today—including that this meant that the UK Parliament would expand its role, as my noble friends Lady Smith and Lord McNally said, and the expectation that various treaties would be brought forward as a result of Brexit, not least in terms of trade deals, clearly this issue must be addressed. As my noble friend Lord McNally pointed out, the Brexiteers promised increased sovereignty for Parliament.
The sub-committee has been set up and, as the noble and learned Lord, Lord Goldsmith, indicated, is looking at whether adequate scrutiny of treaties can take place within the current CRaG arrangements, not least because there is little time or opportunity for legislative change. But as this latest report makes clear, the feeling is that if this scrutiny does not work, then legislative change to CRaG will be required. The way in which the Government pushed back with their response to the 2019 reports makes this conclusion look more, rather than less, likely.
That brings us to the three reports we are debating. The Constitution Committee’s report, Parliamentary Scrutiny of Treaties, is over a year old, as is the European Union Committee’s Scrutiny of International Agreements. We have the working practices paper from the new sub-committee, which is more recent; as the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor of Bolton, said, the Constitution Committee recommended the establishment of this sub-committee. All the reports have called for greater transparency, a role for Parliament earlier in the process of negotiating international agreements and a proper role for the devolved institutions. Only the noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, thinks that the reports go too far. Others, such as the noble Baroness, Lady Goudie, argue the opposite.
Despite what the Government said in their 2019 response, the new sub-committee states that it expects the ratification of treaties to be extended beyond three weeks to enable proper scrutiny. Can the Minister tell us specifically whether the Government now agree? We do not want just warm words, to which my noble friend Lord McNally referred. Will they agree to this limited request?
The report notes that the FCO was unable in short order to answer its own questions. One might well ask why the Government think that three weeks is enough for Parliament to scrutinise a complicated trade deal. Of course, in terms of their own delays on a few questions, I note the Government have decided to use up some of their bandwidth, despite facing Brexit and coronavirus, by merging DfID and the FCO and changing their Permanent Secretaries. That cannot have helped.
The committee notes the complexity of scrutinising free trade agreements, covering many areas, as David Henig laid out, including the environment, employment relations, technical standards, food safety and much else. How might the Government facilitate this more complicated scrutiny? As I say, the noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, does not think that they need to and the noble Lord, Lord Foulkes, does not think that they will. I have a feeling that I agree with the noble Lord.
The European Parliament, of which we used to be a member, and to which UK citizens voted their representatives, has more power here than does the UK Parliament. I note that the Government do not want to replicate this, according to their response. Yet our leaving the EU, as the noble Earl, Lord Kinnoull, put it, results in a democratic deficit that Parliament must put right. Again, so much for taking back control —to the Executive, maybe. The US Congress has more powers, and we expect that those will be brought to bear in any agreement with the US on trade.
The Government pushed back hard on the 2019 reports, pocketing where the reports allowed the Government to take unilateral action but giving little in terms of transparency or timing on any scrutiny. For example, the Government welcome the fact that the committee saw no need to amend CRaG, exploiting its politeness. It is therefore useful to have this year’s report on how things are working, or not really working. There are serious warnings in here. As the noble and learned Lord, Lord Goldsmith, my noble friend Lord Beith, the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett, and others have pointed out, treaties may have as great an effect on the UK and its people as the legislation we consider. I therefore look forward to specific proposals and agreement from the Minister, and for him no longer to endorse the Government’s response that we have here.
Aid Impact
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The Senior Deputy Speaker (Lord McFall of Alcluith)
We will come back to the noble Lord, Lord Collins. I call the noble Baroness, Lady Northover.
Baroness Northover (LD)
My Lords, the Minister rightly argues that transparency and accountability are vital. The Government have said that it will be up to the Commons to decide whether there is an International Development Select Committee, which precedes the creation of a separate department. If a Motion is tabled to abolish that, will the Government be giving those on the government payroll and on the Back Benches a free vote, or will they be advised which way to vote?
Baroness Sugg (Con)
My Lords, we will reflect carefully on the recommendations of the IDC and the Liaison Committee before bringing forward Motions to change existing the committee structures for the House to agree later this year.
Aid Spending
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Baroness Sugg (Con)
My Lords, departmental accounts will be published in the usual way. I reassure the noble Baroness and, indeed, the NGOs to which she referred, that of course we are listening very closely to what they say to ensure that the new department is greater than the sum of its parts, and what we want it to be. We aim to use all the tools of our influence and expertise to continue our work and development. We are a world leader in international development, as the noble Baroness says, helping to end extreme poverty in developing countries around the world. We are absolutely committed to putting UK aid at the heart of what we do in the new department. We will continue with our 0.7% and will ensure that we continue the good work that we have seen from DfID in the new FCDO.
Baroness Northover (LD) [V]
Development is global and long term, which is usually different from the aims of other government departments. Given the headlines about raiding the development budget, including from the Treasury, exactly how will her department guard against this?
Baroness Sugg (Con)
My Lords, as I hope I have made clear, we will continue our commitment to 0.7% in the new department, as was said in the Conservative Party manifesto on which we were elected, and we will proudly maintain that commitment. We must ensure that both our diplomacy and development work continues, as it has done in the two separate departments, within the new department. In our new department, we aim to pursue our national interests and project the UK as a force for good in the world, which includes safeguarding UK security, defending our values, reducing poverty and tackling the huge global challenges that we face.
Global Human Rights Sanctions Regulations 2020
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Baroness Northover (LD) [V]
My Lords, I too thank the Minister for introducing these regulations. The very clear Explanatory Memorandum rightly records that,
“human rights violations by State actors, and … non-State actors, leads to unstable and less prosperous societies. Such conduct perpetuates violent conflict, creates a world where terrorism flourishes and where democratic institutions are weakened. It has a devastating impact on individuals and … societies … deterring such conduct would help create fairer and more just societies, which support the long-term global conditions most conducive to security, economic growth and the safety of all.”
That is a very clear statement.
As I did when we discussed sanctions recently, I once more pay tribute to all those who have played a part here, from Ministers, including the noble Lord, officials in his department, organisations such as Transparency International, and campaigners such as Amal Clooney, Bill Browder and the murdered Russian lawyer, Sergei Magnitsky, himself. I am glad that the Government have listed 25 Russian nationals linked to his case, as well as 20 of those who played their part in the death of Jamal Khashoggi.
However, as others have said, there are omissions. Many noble Lords have mentioned China. I too ask: might those who are oppressing the Uighurs be included? Will proper consideration be given to the China Tribunal’s conclusion about organ harvesting, which was flagged up by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, and might sanctions result? What about those taking action in Hong Kong? How do we make sure that in our newly exposed position outside the EU we are willing to place sanctions in relation to China, as my noble friend Lady Smith of Newnham and others asked?
Several noble Lords mentioned corruption. In their equivalent legislation, the United States and Canada include corruption. The Government are already considering adding this, looking at the United Nations Convention against Corruption. Do they intend to base the definition of corruption on the UN convention? Will it include embezzlement of state funds, to cover kleptocrats, and bribery? Can the Minister also tell us how the new sanctions regime will be overseen so that it is not knocked off course by short-term concerns? Will its oversight be separate from ministries which might have other interests here? What parliamentary oversight will there be? It has been suggested that there should be routes other than via Ministers for proposing or considering whether individuals should be sanctioned. Might there be a judicial route here? I note the comments of the noble Baroness, Lady Kennedy of The Shaws.
Within the EU, particularly with Sweden and the Netherlands, we were working to develop similar human rights sanctions arrangements for all EU countries, which would have had a major effect. Like my noble friend Lord Bruce, I believe that it is clear that we would have been much more effective if were working within the EU. Sanctions across the EU would have been much more powerful than we can be by ourselves, and the pressure on future Ministers not to take action would have been less acute. The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Rochester is right about the risks of our isolation and that the rest of our foreign policy must be consistent with what we are saying here.
Nevertheless, we welcome these regulations and look forward to the further development of our sanctions policy. I too wish the Minister a very enjoyable holiday and thank him and his officials for their readiness to engage across all areas of foreign affairs. I look forward to hearing his response.