Employment Rights Bill

Baroness Noakes Excerpts

Report stage
Wednesday 16th July 2025 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Baroness Noakes]

94: After Clause 26, insert the following new Clause—
“Part 1 exemptions(1) The Secretary of State may by regulations specify that specified categories of person shall be exempt in whole or in part from all or any of the provisions of Part 1 of this Act.(2) Regulations may provide that exemptions apply for a specified period of time.(3) The categories of person exempted by regulations may be defined by the activities which they carry out, their size, their legal status or in any other way that the Secretary of State considers appropriate.(4) Regulations made under this section are subject to the affirmative procedure.”

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[Baroness Noakes (Con)]

My Lords, Amendment 94 seeks to give the Secretary of State power to introduce exemptions from Part 1 of this Bill. I thank the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, for adding his name to the amendment. In Committee and on Report, noble Lords have warned about the impact that this Bill could have on businesses. The right to guaranteed hours, the statutory sick pay changes and the day-one rights which we debated earlier all create problems for businesses, especially small businesses and micro-businesses. The Government are ignoring these concerns.

These provisions directly affect businesses, but noble Lords opposite should share our concerns that the real effect of these new rights will be fewer job opportunities. As we have heard, employees with risk factors, from the employer’s perspective, will find it harder to get work because of day-one rights and the statutory sick pay changes. These include young people, people with incomplete job histories, people with a history of illness and ex-offenders. People who value part-time flexible work—this particularly affects women and students—might find fewer opportunities because employers fear triggering the guaranteed-hours requirements.

The Government are introducing these changes at a time of great economic uncertainty. While the employment numbers continue to edge upwards, there are warning signs in a rising unemployment rate, falling job vacancies and falling average hours worked. Business surveys are consistently flagging a reluctance to hire among businesses and increased expectations of workforce reductions. Even the Governor of the Bank of England, not a man to be careless with words, has flagged a slowdown in the jobs market. Growth is virtually non-existent and our inflation rate is now the highest in the G7. This economic background increases the likelihood that this Bill will create real pain for some businesses, and that pain will inevitably end up being felt in the workforce.

In Committee, I argued for exemptions from Part 1 being hardwired into the Bill for small and micro-businesses. My noble friend Lord Sharpe of Epsom’s Amendment 159 in this group is similar. His Amendment 107 would exempt farm businesses of all sizes from some of the provisions. These are both great amendments, but my guess is that the Government are not yet psychologically ready to admit that some sorts of businesses would be so hard hit by this Bill that they should be exempt from its scope. The Government have rejected exemptions, citing the need to avoid creating a two-tier workforce, despite the fact that in an open economy such as ours, workforce tiering occurs naturally and is certainly a feature of the current UK workplace.

My amendment is a simple one. It does not require the Government to do anything. It is a reserve power which the Government can use to assist the UK economy if things turn out as badly as we fear. It gives the Government power to create exemptions from all or any of the Part 1 provisions to categories of employer as defined by the Secretary of State. It thus allows very targeted interventions if the Government believe that it is necessary.

Some of the potential pain points in the Bill can be dealt with in the way that detailed regulations are framed. Amendment 105 in this group helpfully requires the Secretary of State to have regard to seasonal work when making regulations. However, regulations cannot deal with removing burdens from, for example, small and micro-businesses, which are the focus of several amendments in this group in the name of my noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley. They cannot address whole sectors, such as hospitality or agriculture, nor home in on subsectors of those sectors, such as the pub sector, which could be massively impacted by Clause 20, or particular types of farm.

It would do no harm to the Government’s position if they accepted Amendment 94. They can press ahead with plan A and see what happens. If, however, they discover real problems of the kinds that many noble Lords from across this House have described, it would give the Government a backstop power if they, and they alone, think that it is necessary. On this basis, I commend Amendment 94 to the Government and I beg to move.

[Lord Londesborough (CB)]

My Lords, I will speak to Amendment 94, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, and Amendment 159, tabled by the noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt, both of which I have signed. I also support the amendment in this group tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Leigh, which calls for some scientific and statistical significance in polling a representative group of SMEs on the impact of certain provisions in the Bill. This Government’s consultation with SMEs is, to put it politely, curious and opaque, lacking, so far, any meaningful numbers or quantified response, and with barely any names. Consultation carries little weight if it lacks statistical credibility.

The entirely sensible and pragmatic amendment tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Noakes, seeks to hand the Secretary of State regulatory tools to bring in exemptions to Part 1 for certain groups or sectors, for specified periods of time, should he or she decide that these are appropriate.

Noble Lords may remember that the Government were offered similar powers of exemption by amendment in the NICs Bill earlier this year, voted through enthusiastically by Conservatives, Liberal Democrats and the majority of Cross-Benchers, only to receive the custard pie treatment in the other place under the cloak of financial privilege, which was a great pity. The noble Baroness has, very generously in my view, made the same offer again, and I hope it gets a more constructive response this time.

For there is broad consensus across business that Part 1 of the Bill will have a significant impact on the jobs market, especially for SMEs, but let us be frank: the degree or level of impact is highly unpredictable. If we see the sorts of outcomes suggested by membership surveys from such bodies as the ICAEW and the FSB, then the Secretary of State would be well advised to grab the option of these exemption tools with both hands rather than doggedly sticking to a one-size-fits-all mantra.

Turning briefly to Amendment 159, seeking the disapplication of certain provisions for small and micro-businesses with fewer than 50 employees, this gets my wholehearted support. I will spare the House a repeat of my arguments in Committee. But for the Government to argue, as I am sure they will, against this amendment, because they do not want to create a two-tier workforce, simply does not reflect economic reality or indeed the jobs market or the structure of businesses.

SMBs cannot compete with large businesses when it comes to pay scales, training, promotion opportunities, pensions and a whole range of other benefits. That is a reflection of their size, their culture and their stage of development, yet they succeed in delivering strong employee loyalty and identification. This is true of family businesses, start-ups and scale-ups. To apply all the provisions in this Bill, and specifically those listed in this amendment for disapplication, to a micro-business employing five staff as it does to a multinational employing 10,000 is wilfully indiscriminate and, I suggest, economically illiterate. That is why I put my name to the amendment.

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[Lord Sharpe of Epsom (Con)]

My Lords, I cannot let that pass. The noble Lord will know that the FTSE represents mostly foreign earnings. It is not a domestic index.

[Baroness Noakes (Con)]

My Lords, I thank all noble Lords who have taken part in this debate, which has covered quite a lot of ground. I cannot pretend to be anything but disappointed in the Minister’s response. In fact, the first chunk of his response seemed to be some kind of lesson in the socialist view of life and had nothing to do with any of the amendments. While I respect the Minister’s own business expertise, he does seem to demonstrate that this Government do not understand business and do not understand the key to successful economic management.

I was pleased to hear that my noble friend Lord Leigh of Hurley intends to test the opinion of the House. I hope my noble friends on the Front Bench will seek to do the same when we reach their amendments in their places on the Marshalled List.

I was of course disappointed, but not surprised, that the Minister was not prepared to accept my generous offer of a reserved power to create exemptions to get the Government out of trouble in due course. I hope they do not come to regret their decision. You can take a horse to water, but you cannot make it drink. I have taken the government horse to water, and it has refused to drink. On that basis, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.

Amendment 94 withdrawn.