Pensions Bill

Baroness Hollis of Heigham Excerpts

Monday 24th February 2014 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Baroness Hollis of Heigham]

22: After Clause 30, insert the following new Clause—
“Assessed income period: indefinite period
Notwithstanding sections 28 and 29 above, any recipient of pension credit may from the age of 75 years have his or her assessed income period set for an indefinite period.”

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[Baroness Hollis of Heigham]

My Lords, pensioners usually have stable incomes, especially compared to those who work, and they do not fluctuate by much. At the moment, existing pensioners on pension credit have their income and thus their eligibility assessed every five years at 65, 70 and 75. Thereafter, no further means-testing is required, although people need to report the death of a spouse or when they move into residential care. The Government are proposing to replace this light-touch system with annual means-testing every year until death, with the modest exemption of those currently already over 75, for whom means-testing has been suspended. All future pensioners will have annual means-testing until they die, which means that they will means-test, for example, a frail, 90 year-old widow.

In Committee, we argued that we would retain the current system of five-year assessments of income for pension credit eligibility and the suspension of means-testing after 75, both of which the Minister wishes to replace with annual means-testing. The Minister was not sympathetic; he tried to suggest to my noble friend Lady Sherlock that the new system would be simpler, whereas on any ordinary understanding of the word it is becoming more complicated. Eventually, he fell back on the necessity of making these savings—all £65 million or so extracted from some of the poorest people in the country.

This amendment is modest and targeted. It would permit the Government to means-test pensioners annually, as they propose to do, until the recipient is aged 75, and from then on as now those means tests would be suspended. Why this proposal? My concerns are threefold. First, the proposed changes will discourage pensioners from claiming pension credit. Secondly, it is profoundly unfair. Thirdly, it is not worth the relatively small savings that may follow.

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The other issue of concern to the noble Baroness was whether people would be deterred from claiming pension credit. There is no evidence to suggest that there will be such an effect or that having to report changes of circumstances deters people from claiming benefits.

[Baroness Hollis of Heigham]

When the Minister says that there is no evidence, does that mean that he has sought evidence and there is not any, or does it mean that he simply does not know, or what? Has he evidence to prove that there is no deterrent effect? I suspect that the answer is no.

[Lord Freud]

Take-up of pension credit guarantee credit, which is aimed at the poorest pensioners, is already high at 82%. However, I think that it would be better if I offered to write to the noble Baroness on the exact nature of the evidence which I do or do not have. Actually, I do not need to write because I can tell her that her second supposition is correct. We do not have any evidence either way. With that covered, I ask her to withdraw the amendment.

[Baroness Hollis of Heigham]

My Lords, I am not going to pretend that I am not disappointed with the Minister’s reply. I thought that he showed a degree of sympathy and understanding in Committee, particularly of the plight of older pensioners in their late 70s or their 80s, or perhaps older still, who are getting increasingly frail and confused. I thought he understood that. That is why in this amendment I dropped the idea of periodic assessments and simply suggested that, while the Minister does what he thinks is appropriate or is required to do on this in terms of having annual means-testing until the age of 75, at least from 75 onwards he could abandon the annual means-testing system.

I really do not think that the Minister has addressed the issue. He said, first, that he thinks that the savings would be reduced by 30%. I suspect that that is a slightly arbitrary figure, arrived at by dividing the number of years and the percentage of savings, but it takes no account whatever of the fact that means-testing will already have excluded pensioners at an earlier stage. I suspect that at least half his savings will come from the fact that pensioners do not claim what they are entitled to, rather than them not getting what they otherwise would by having annual means-testing.

The Minister said that if those under 75 were annually means-tested but those over 75 were not, that would give rise to appeals and disputes. What evidence does he have for that? After all, we have had periodic means-testing since 2008. How many appeals have there been from people under the age of 75 against the “no further means-testing at 75” rule, and what has been the result of those appeals? I shall give way to the Minister. He ran that argument, so I presume that he has some statistics for us.

[Lord Freud]

I shall have to supply the statistics separately and will do so in writing.

[Baroness Hollis of Heigham]

My Lords, forgive me, but trying to persuade the House that this would generate appeals and disputes and not presenting to noble Lords what is already a firm basis of evidence from the existing situation does not seem acceptable. I rather doubt that the Minister has more than a couple of handfuls of cases but we will see when he digs out his statistics. I just do not think that it is a valid argument and I have not had a shred of evidence from him or the Box to support it, although I have plenty of anecdotal evidence to the contrary.

However, my deepest concern—and it is one that I do not think the Minister has addressed—is just how profoundly unfair this is. I am baffled that he does not seem to accept that argument. He is quite deliberately building means-testing out of the new state pension, and I welcome that wholeheartedly. However, every reason he adduces for building it out of the new state pension applies equally for not continuing to means test after 75. Every argument that supports the new state pension works to support the amendment and not continuing means-testing after 75. If means-testing is so innocent, why get rid of it in the new state pension? The Minister knows, as we all know, on the basis of good and effective DWP research, that means-testing is loathed by pensioners and they do not take up the benefits they are entitled to. That is what the Minister is counting on for his savings and it is profoundly unfair.

Pensioners slightly younger are built out of means-testing because the whole lot of pension credit has been thrown out of their new state pension. One day older and they are not only going to be means-tested but means-tested annually until the day they die, until they are 90. That is shameful. The Minister is widening the gap between younger pensioners, who will be much better off and with no means-testing, and the pensioners who will be staying with the old system, who are already older and poorer and who will have a lower pension and face means-testing. He is widening the disparity rather than narrowing it.

That is not good enough. It is not decent. The Minister is profoundly wrong on this but, given the lateness of the hour, obviously I will not seek the opinion of the House at this time of night. I will withdraw the amendment but with a heavy heart because it is profoundly wrong to widen the gap between older and younger pensioners at a time when we are trying to build means-testing out of the system and the Minister is reinforcing it back in again. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 22 withdrawn.