(3 weeks, 5 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I will speak against the amendment from the noble Lord, Lord McCrea, although I understand the tenacity with which this point is being put on a very regular basis and how sincerely he feels about these issues. I also understand, having listened repeatedly to these points being raised, that it is not a case of persuading my good friends and colleagues in this House that this is just about batteries, that there is a pragmatic need to get on with this and that these are probably good regulations anyway, so what is the harm? Those arguments get nowhere in this debate: I recognise that. So I am going to seek to put this in a bit of context around how we have got to where we are.
The Windsor Framework is better than the Northern Ireland Protocol it replaced, but it is still unfortunately imperfect. It creates friction in the Irish Sea and additional burdens on businesses. It is probably wise to just be honest, open and upfront about this and not pretend otherwise. It is a fudge; it was necessary. I heard the noble Lord, Lord McCrae, say that he was not aware that these regulations would be coming into place. I can see why he says that, but surely, when the vote to leave the European Union took place, it must have been anticipated that there would need to be some kind of arrangement for Northern Ireland that would entail a huge amount of compromise—and, ideally, flexibility and understanding on both sides and a real determination to find a solution. I do not remember that atmosphere around those discussions at the time, so we are left with this unsatisfactory way of working. But it is the operational reality in which we find ourselves and, while it is there, it is one that we must make work.
I have heard it said that dual market access is imaginary and not a thing. I understand that there are problems with GB-NI trade; that is true. But it is not fair and not correct to say that there is no such thing as dual market access. There is and it is a position that businesses in Northern Ireland—small enterprises, big exporters and manufacturers—talk about wishing to take advantage of. You can see the growth that is being achieved in Northern Ireland as a consequence of dual market access and the unique economic position of Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland is succeeding, perhaps, you could argue, in spite of some of these challenges—and when was it not the case that business and enterprise were not able to overcome such things? My experience of talking to businesses in Northern Ireland is that they want clarity, they want certainty and they can deal with it. That is their intention.
It is right—if it is what you believe—to criticise the complexities of the current arrangements. But, equally, please do not ignore the concrete advantages that see Northern Ireland consistently expanding sales into the EU in advanced manufacturing, life sciences and aerospace, with local pioneers openly pointing to the Windsor Framework as a net positive, giving them access to a £6 trillion market. We should try, when we can, to have a calm, level-headed approach to all of this. The foundational agreements of the peace process stand. What is needed is flexibility, pragmatism and a real focus on making sure that we never lose the stability, prosperity and good governance that Northern Ireland will always need.
(1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, it is a real pleasure to support my noble friend the Minister and oppose the amendment in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Dodds.
I respect and have heard many times—as has everybody else present, I think—the constitutional concerns that have been raised, but it is right that we focus on the practical reality facing farmers, growers and businesses in Northern Ireland on these occasions. It is probably worth reminding the House that, under the Northern Ireland protocol, there were difficulties with the movement of seed potatoes into Northern Ireland, and that the Windsor Framework was negotiated by the previous Government to attempt to resolve some of these difficulties.
I do not think that anybody would argue that we are in a perfect situation. There are issues and constitutional concerns, and there is a problem with concerns from the unionist community; that is absolutely understood and legitimate. What you do about that is an open question and something to which nobody, whatever noble Lords might imply in these sorts of debate, has a simple solution. Today’s measure is about allowing the movement of high-quality seed potatoes into a market, and it is necessary. The measure means that the appropriate agencies will have the powers they need to protect biosecurity—that is it. That is what this measure does, and that is why my noble friend is right to propose it to the House.
On consultation, it is my observation that Defra in particular needs no encouragement to consult on any issue at any given time, but this instrument does not introduce a new policy or new burdens. I heard what the noble Lord, Lord Bew, said about this. Sometimes, for other reasons, there is a need to engage the community in a very visible way. Perhaps that is a point worth reflecting on for the future, but, in the narrow sense of what would ordinarily trigger a consultation, this would not meet that threshold. It is a decision not to consult; no one was forced not to consult.
By rejecting these regulations, we would not solve the concerns of the noble Lord, Lord Dodds, or anybody else. This is an imperfect situation—we recognise that—but, tonight, for the benefit of businesses and growers in Northern Ireland, it is important that we pass these regulations to give the legal certainty and clarity that that important industry needs.
Finally, at a time when free trade faces growing threats from protectionism and geopolitical instability in many areas of the world, securing a stable and frictionless internal market here is more important now than ever.