National Insurance Contributions (Employer Pensions Contributions) Bill
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The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Lord Livermore) (Lab)
My Lords, it is a pleasure to open this Second Reading debate on the Bill. It legislates for reforms announced in the Budget in November. That was a Budget to build a stronger, more secure economy that had at its heart three deliberate pro-growth choices. First, by choosing to maintain economic stability, getting inflation and interest rates down, we helped to give businesses the confidence to invest and our economy the room to grow. Secondly, by choosing to reject austerity, we protected £120 billion of additional investment in growth-driving infrastructure. Thirdly, by choosing to back the fast-growing companies of the future, we supported the investment, innovation and economic dynamism that will increase growth in the next decade and beyond.
But these are choices that need to be paid for. That is why the Budget contained a series of reforms to the tax system to ensure that it keeps pace with a fast-changing economy. Those reforms include changes to pension salary sacrifice, contained in the Bill we are debating today. The Government spend over £500 billion each year on various reliefs within the tax system. That is more than double the entire annual NHS budget and nearly five times the annual budget for education. The size of this spend means the Government must always keep the effectiveness and value for money of tax reliefs under review. This Bill addresses just one of these reliefs: pension salary sacrifice, the cost of which was set to treble to £8 billion a year by the end of this decade.
That increase has been driven most by higher earners, with additional-rate taxpayers tripling their salary sacrifice contributions since 2017. This includes individuals sacrificing their bonuses without paying any income tax and national insurance contributions on them. But while those on the highest salaries are most likely to take part in salary sacrifice, others are completely excluded. For example, the majority of employers do not offer salary sacrifice, including many small businesses. Groups who are most likely to be undersaving for retirement, such as those on the national minimum wage and the UK’s 4.4 million self-employed workers, are also completely excluded from using salary sacrifice.
The status quo is neither fair nor fiscally sustainable. We cannot afford to allow the cost of pension salary sacrifice to balloon, benefiting predominantly higher earners. In this, we agree with the approach taken by the previous Government. In their 2015 Summer Budget, the then Government said:
“Salary sacrifice arrangements … are becoming increasingly popular and the cost to the taxpayer is rising”.
Two years later, the previous Government introduced reforms to salary sacrifice. The Finance Act 2017 removed the tax advantages of salary sacrifice for the majority of benefits in kind—for example, living accommodation or private medical insurance. The noble Lord, Lord Hammond of Runnymede, told the other place:
“The majority of employees pay tax on a cash salary, but some are able to sacrifice salary … and pay much lower tax … That is unfair”.—[Official Report, Commons, 23/11/16; col. 907.]
The previous Government commissioned research in 2023, which included a proposal to cap pensions salary sacrifice at £2,000. This Government are now taking forward that reform to ensure that the tax system is kept on a sustainable footing.
Although some tax experts have called for pension salary sacrifice to be abolished entirely, the Government are taking a more measured and pragmatic approach. The Bill contains two main elements. First, it introduces a cap of £2,000 under which no employer and employee national insurance contributions will be charged on any pension contributions. The cap protects ordinary workers using salary sacrifice and limits the impact on employers while ensuring that the system remains fiscally sustainable. The majority of those currently using salary sacrifice will be unaffected. Indeed, 95% of those earning £30,000 or less who currently make pension contributions through salary sacrifice will be entirely unaffected. It is forecast that 87% of salary sacrifice contributions above the cap will be made by higher rate and additional rate taxpayers. Individuals can also continue to save as much as they wish into their pensions, either through salary sacrifice or outside of it, both of which will be fully relievable of income tax.
Secondly, we are introducing this change with a long implementation period so that it will come into effect in 2029-30. This gives employers and employees over three years to prepare and to adjust. I am pleased that business and industry bodies have already welcomed this lengthy implementation period. HMRC is also engaging with industry stakeholders to ensure this change operates in the most effective way. That will continue as we approach implementation.
Saving into a pension, including via salary sacrifice, will remain hugely tax advantageous under these changes. The Government currently provide over £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contributions relief on pension contributions each year. That spend will be entirely unaffected by these changes. Employees’ pension contributions, including those made via salary sacrifice, will continue to be fully relievable from income tax at the employee’s marginal rate. For example, if a basic rate taxpayer were to put £100 into their pension, it would cost them just £80 of their take-home pay, with the Government providing the remaining £20 in tax relief. For a higher rate taxpayer, that same £100 pension contribution can cost them as little as £60 because they also receive relief at their marginal rate of tax.
For employers, all pension contributions they make for their employees outside of salary sacrifice will remain exempt from both income tax and national insurance contributions. This makes pensions one of the most tax-efficient ways to invest in their workforce. For example, if an employer contributes £1,000 to an employee’s pension, this is worth £150 in forgone employer national insurance contributions.
Since the Budget in November, it has been suggested by some that these changes will negatively impact the overall level of pension saving. We do not believe this to be the case. Salary sacrifice existed in the 2000s and early 2010s, yet there were significant falls in private sector pension saving during this period. In 2012, only one in three private sector workers saved into a pension.
The key factor that has led to an increase in saving in recent years is not the complicated national insurance reliefs available to some employees, but rather automatic enrolment, introduced in 2012, which has reversed the collapse in workplace pension saving. As a result of automatic enrolment, over 22 million workers across the UK are now saving each month.
Evidence also shows that pension contributions have risen in line with regulatory requirements, not with the growth of salary sacrifice. The majority of employers reducing their tax bill by offering pension salary sacrifice did not use the savings to increase pension contributions. Overall, the Office for Budget Responsibility has made it clear in its economic and fiscal outlook that it does not expect a material impact on savings behaviour as a result of the tax changes made in the Budget.
These are fair and balanced reforms. They protect lower and middle earners, give employers many years to prepare, preserve the incentives that underpin workplace pension saving, and ensure that the tax system is kept on a sustainable footing. The Bill builds on reforms by the previous Government to the salary sacrifice system and legislates for proposals first put forward in 2023. It also forms part of a wider package of reforms to ensure that the tax system keeps pace with our fast-changing economy. As a result of these and other reforms, the Government were able to take a series of pro-growth choices at the Budget last year to maintain economic stability, to reject austerity, to protect investment and to back the fast-growing companies of the future. These are the right and responsible choices to strengthen our economy for the long term. I beg to move.
Baroness Neville-Rolfe (Con)
My Lords, this Bill is deceptively small. It runs to just four pages of text and could be easily mistaken for something minor. But its consequences for working people and for long-term pension saving in particular are serious and far-reaching. We are talking about pensions, not other benefits, which the previous Government reformed.
There is a risk that the Bill’s impact will be misunderstood or dismissed as marginal, but it is neither. In simple terms, it introduces a £2,000 annual cap on the amount of pension saving that can be made through salary sacrifice without attracting national insurance. Above that cap, pension contributions are treated as earnings for national insurance purposes. Because of the way NICs work, employees earning below £50,270 will pay national insurance at 80% on the excess; those earning above that threshold will pay 2% on the excess. That is the policy, and the question for this House is who it really affects and what behaviour it is likely to change. I thank all noble Lords for staying late and look forward to their contributions.
The Government have repeatedly argued that this measure is targeted at those they describe as high earners. Page 2 of the Explanatory Notes makes it clear that this is the Government’s intention, and the fashionable Minister, Torsten Bell, has said that the Bill “protects ordinary workers”. He implicitly recognises that, for those on low incomes, salary sacrifice is the only way to build up a significant defined contribution pension fund.
But what is immediately obvious to the pension providers, employers and experts that we have spoken to is that this is not, in practice, a measure aimed at the highest earners. It hits people squarely in the middle of the income distribution, and in some cases below it. Those saving responsibly through salary sacrifice are most affected. They include younger professionals in high-cost cities and mid-career workers trying to make up pension shortfalls, typically earning between £30,000 and £60,000 a year. Given that the average UK salary is £37,430, it is difficult to see how people earning within this distribution can be credibly described as high earners. They are ordinary working people doing exactly what successive Governments have spent decades encouraging them to do: saving responsibly for retirement.
I will give the House a concrete example. Imagine a young professional who has just graduated and taken up a job in a city—London, Bristol or Manchester—earning £45,000 a year. They decide to do the responsible thing and save seriously for retirement, contributing £5,000 a year through salary sacrifice. Under the Bill, £3,000 of that saving is treated as earnings for national insurance purposes, and that individual will be paying more national insurance, not because their income has increased but because they are trying to secure a decent pension. This represents an additional hit of £240 a year for a young working person, coming on top of student loan repayments at a ridiculously high interest rate, tax, existing national insurance contributions and the high cost of living.
This raises a question for the Minister: quite how are the Government defining a high earner? A graduate in their 20s, living in London and living on £45,000 a year—£40,000 after sacrificing £5,000 for their pension—is not a high earner: not against average income, and certainly not in the context of where they are living. So where has the Treasury decided to draw that line? Unless the definition is clearly set out, it risks becoming a flexible and politically convenient threshold, capable of being shifted over time to suit the Treasury’s needs. Without a fixed and transparent definition, no group can be confident it will not be caught by provisions targeted at high earners.
The example I gave goes to the heart of one of our core concerns with the Bill, which is that the likely behavioural response it will generate risks undermining pensions adequacy. We already know that adequacy is a serious and unresolved problem. Auto-enrolment, introduced on a cross-party basis, has been a major success in bringing people into pension saving. But even so, the statutory minimum contribution of 8% is widely accepted as insufficient to deliver a decent retirement income for many people. The system relies on employers paying over the statutory minimum for their workers to be sufficiently funded in retirement. That is not a controversial point; it is the settled consensus of the pensions world.
The IFS report, Adequacy of Future Retirement Incomes: New Evidence for Private Sector Employees, clearly makes the point that despite the success of automatic enrolment, a large minority of private sector employees are not on track for an adequate retirement income and saving has become more challenging. It found that only 57% of private sector employees saving in defined contribution pensions are projected to hit the Pensions Commission’s target replacement rates, and around one-third of savers are not projected to achieve even the minimum retirement living standard defined by the Pensions and Lifetime Savings Association
Against that backdrop, discouraging additional pension saving is exactly the wrong policy response, yet that is precisely what the Bill does. Evidence published prior to the Budget suggested that nearly 40% of workers would reduce their pension saving if the benefits of salary sacrifice were capped, and the costs and complexities of the new system will almost certainly mean that employers reduce their salary sacrifice offerings altogether. That outcome is a foreseeable consequence of the policy design set out in the Bill.
The effects of the Bill will be felt not just immediately but deeply over time. Lower saving today means lower retirement income tomorrow and greater reliance on the state in future decades. At a time when we are rightly concerned about the long-term sustainability of the public finances, it is deeply troubling to introduce a measure that reduces pension saving, thus storing up higher costs for future Governments.
It would be a mistake to pretend that the Bill bears only on savers. Employers, especially small businesses, will be hit directly by higher costs, new administrative burdens and unpalatable choices about pay and pension provision. It comes at the worst possible time. Businesses are already struggling under the cumulative weight of this Government’s economic choices—minimum wage increases, punitive business rates, an expanding national insurance burden and an economy mired in prolonged stagnation.
Under the current system, salary sacrifice arrangements are a widely used mechanism through which employers support pension saving. They reduce employer NI liabilities, simplify administration and enable employers to offer more generous pension provision without increasing headline wages. The Bill fundamentally damages that settlement.
From April 2029, employers will be liable for employer national insurance contributions at 15% on any salary-sacrificed pension contributions above £2,000. That represents a direct increase in payroll costs for any organisation with meaningful take-up of salary sacrifice arrangements.
Let us imagine an employee aged 50 with a £40,000 salary, trying to make up a potential pension income shortfall before they retire by sacrificing £5,000 per year. Their £5,000 sacrifice is due to trigger national insurance on £3,000 of that amount, costing the employer an additional £450 and the employee £240 per year.
The Office for Budget Responsibility assumes that around three-quarters of those additional costs will be passed on to employees, either through lower wages or reduced employer pension contributions. But even with these anticipated changes in behaviour, employers will still bear substantial transitional costs, ongoing compliance burdens and reputational risks associated with scaling back on pensions.
Employers will also face new administrative and reporting requirements. To administer the £2,000 cliff edge, they will be required to track and report total salary-sacrificed pension contributions through payroll systems, calculate national insurance liabilities on any excess above the cap and communicate clearly with employees about changes to their take-home pay. While the three-year window will allow many to update their payroll software, the complexity should not be underestimated, particularly for smaller employers without sophisticated payroll infrastructure or for employees with more than one job, which is common in the SME sector.
Faced with these costs and complexities, it is entirely rational for employers to withdraw salary sacrifice. The result is likely to be less flexibility, fewer incentives to save, and weaker pension provision across the workforce, making the private sector even less competitive as compared with the generous defined benefit pension provision in the public sector.
This is not mere speculation by the Opposition. The OBR’s own revenue projections already assume significant behavioural change, and evidence suggests that employers are actively reassessing their pension strategies in anticipation of the Bill, meaning that it is increasingly likely that the OBR has been overgenerous in its estimations. At a time when successive Governments have encouraged employers to play a greater role in supporting retirement adequacy, often paying above the statutory minimum, the Bill risks pushing employers in precisely the opposite direction. Higher costs, greater complexity and weaker incentives are not a recipe for stronger workplace pensions, and there could even be a backlash against the Government as individual employees find it difficult to know whether they have hit the cap.
The Government argue that this is a modest measure necessary to raise revenue of £4.8 billion—and, I note cynically, to do so by the end of the forecast period in 2029-30, which is the horizon against which the Chancellor’s fiscal rules are judged. The revenue assumptions depend heavily on people not changing their behaviour, but the evidence suggests that they will. When incentives change, behaviour changes, by both individuals and employers. When behaviour changes, revenues fall, but the damage to pensions adequacy remains. The Bill risks achieving the worst of all worlds: reducing trust in the pensions system, a cap that disincentivises pension saving by responsible individuals, an increase in future dependency on the state, and a failure to deliver the long-term fiscal benefits the Government want.
Tax is a behavioural lever—a powerful one—and should not be considered independently of other pension priorities. The Government are legislating for these changes in isolation today, at a time when the Pension Schemes Bill and the Pensions Commission are likely to transform the whole pension environment. Is this really wise? I believe this House must scrutinise this Bill, its costings and any regulations made under its powers with the greatest of care.
Baroness Maclean of Redditch (Con)
My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord de Clifford, who spoke about his personal experience of running a small business, which I also share.
When the Bill was introduced, the Treasury Minister in another place said:
“It is the richest who benefit from these schemes ... it is right that we make the scheme fairer for all”.—[Official Report, Commons, 17/12/25; col. 1023.]
It is a weird definition of “fair” when someone earning £45,000—a basic rate taxpayer—is penalised for saving too much for their pension.
I reject the notion that fairness means endless redistribution from those who contribute to those who do not. A truly fair society recognises that those who work hardest, take the most risk and contribute the most deserve to be rewarded, because it is their success, and the wealth they create, that make it possible to help people who genuinely need the help. You do not lift up the poor by bringing down the rich; you do not make anyone richer by arguing about slices of the pie. Your Lordships do not need me to remind the House that it was Mrs Thatcher who said that. This progressive instinct—to take ever more from those who contribute and redistribute it endlessly—is yet another thing that sounds compassionate but is the opposite.
However, it is not just on values that I differ from the Government. I also differ from them in the practical outcomes. It actually would not matter if we had different values if the evidence showed that their policy was going to be successful and help people and society; but, as we have heard from all across the Chamber, these policies are not successful: they are economically illiterate and self-defeating. You just cannot tax your way to prosperity. Societies around the globe have tried it over and over again and it never works.
Your Lordships should consider this: the top 1% of earners in the country pay approximately 29% of all income tax. The top 10% pay roughly 60%. These are not bad, greedy or selfish people. They are working damn hard and are carrying the entire system on their backs. And what is their reward? To be told they are not paying their “fair share”. To face ever-higher taxes. To see their pension arrangements restricted, and to be demonised while people who choose not to work or who have only recently arrived in this country and never paid in, get benefits paid for by these very taxpayers.
The Government have claimed that this measure targets higher earners who benefit disproportionately from salary sacrifice, but that is just not the case, as we have heard in many other remarks. The Chartered Institute of Taxation found that limiting salary sacrifice will affect basic rate taxpayers more, pound for pound, than higher and additional rate taxpayers. Moreover, this change is likely to cause some employers to withdraw pension salary sacrifice as an option.
I started my business with my husband in a small flat above a former garage in Acocks Green, which is a suburb in inner-city Birmingham. We could not compete with large employers—established large companies—for the kinds of graduates we were trying to hire. We barely even had a flushing toilet in the first years we were starting, so we had to offer something to get people to actually come and work for us. We were able to offer salary sacrifice and pensions: that was one thing that we could do. We could not offer any other fancy perks, but at least we could offer that, and we knew that we were doing the right thing for people.
It is not surprising, unfortunately, that the Government take this approach, because—with a couple of honourable exceptions sitting here tonight—barely anybody in the Government has actually ever started a business or knows what it is like or has even worked in the private sector. Unfortunately, the Treasury’s own figures show that approximately 85,000 basic rate taxpayers will be affected by this. These could be people earning about £45,000 after 20 years in the workforce. The Treasury Minister talks about the rich, but these are not millionaires or billionaires: they are not Elon Musk. They are people who have just worked very hard in ordinary jobs for 20 or 30 years. They are the backbone of our country. They are saving for the future and they do not ask anything from the state. Yet their taxes are going up on absolutely everything and they do not get any of the benefits available to people on lower incomes. They cannot use those benefits and they do not use those services.
This is another restriction on these people’s ability to save, while the Government are subsidising many others who make lifestyle choices not to work and have unlimited numbers of children, while claiming benefits and not working. We are seeing that balloon now, with the two-child benefit cap going. We are providing housing and support for record numbers of illegal migrants at taxpayers’ expense. This is the absolute madness of this system now. The Bill is yet another punch in the guts for exactly the kind of country that we want to encourage and the people who keep this country going.
The Department for Work and Pensions estimates that two-fifths of people are not on track to achieve their retirement incomes, so the solution is to encourage more saving. I am out of time, but can the Government please look at amendments to protect basic rate taxpayers, index the threshold to inflation and require comprehensive review before implementation?
Lord Livermore (Lab)
My Lords, it is a pleasure to close this Second Reading debate. I am grateful to all noble Lords for their expertise, their contributions and questions, particularly at this late hour.
The Bill before your Lordships’ House legislates for reforms announced in the Budget last November. It was a Budget to build a stronger, more secure economy that had at its heart three deliberate pro-growth choices: to maintain economic stability, to protect £120 billion of additional investment in growth-driving infrastructure, and to back the fast-growing companies of the future, but, as I have said previously, these choices need to be paid for. That is why the Budget contained a series of reforms to the tax system to ensure it keeps pace with a fast-changing economy. Those reforms include the changes that we are debating today.
As several noble Lords mentioned this evening, the Government spend over £500 billion each year on tax relief. The size of this spend means they must always keep the effectiveness and value for money of tax reliefs under review. This Bill addresses just one of these reliefs, pension salary sacrifice. The cost of that was set to treble to £8 billion a year between 2017 and the end of this decade. That growth has been fastest among higher earners, with additional rate taxpayers tripling their salary sacrifice contributions since 2017. But while those on the higher salaries are most likely to take part in salary sacrifice, others are completely excluded. For example, the majority of employers do not offer salary sacrifice, including many small businesses. Groups who are most likely to be undersaving for retirement, such as those on the national minimum wage and the UK’s 4.4 million self-employed workers, are also completely excluded from using salary sacrifice. The status quo is therefore neither fair nor fiscally sustainable. We simply cannot afford to allow the cost of pension salary sacrifice to balloon, benefiting predominantly higher earners.
The Bill therefore contains two main elements: first, to introduce a cap of £2,000 under which no employer and employee national insurance contributions will be charged on any pension contributions. Some 95% of those currently making pension contributions to salary sacrifice earning £30,000 or less will be entirely unaffected. Secondly, we are introducing this change with a long implementation period so that it comes into effect only in 2029-30. This gives employers and employees over three years to prepare and adjust.
The noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, asked about the Government’s commitment not to increase taxes on working people. As he knows, the Budget in November kept our manifesto promise not to increase income tax, national insurance or VAT. It contained a series of reforms to the tax system to ensure it keeps pace with our fast-changing economy. The cost of pension salary sacrifice was set nearly to triple to £8 billion between 2017 and the end of the decade—as I said before, benefiting mainly higher earners.
The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, spoke extensively about the impact on employers. The Government are taking a pragmatic, balanced approach by introducing a cap which protects ordinary workers and limits the impact on employers while ensuring that the system remains fiscally sustainable. The majority of employers—some 61%—do not offer this kind of salary sacrifice arrangement. Of the employers which do, most sectors, including retail, hospitality and leisure, have salary sacrifice contributions well below the £2,000 cap and are largely protected. Everyone using salary sacrifice will still benefit from the tax advantages available up to the £2,000 cap, this includes employers, which can make up to £300 of employer national insurance contribution savings through salary sacrifice per employee. These changes will not be implemented for over three years. In comparison, the previous Government gave just one year’s notice from announcing their changes to salary sacrifice in 2016 to implementing them from 2017.
The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, also spoke about employers potentially stopping offering salary sacrifice schemes. The Government do not expect significant numbers of employers to stop offering salary sacrifice arrangements. Everyone using salary sacrifice will still benefit from the tax advantages available up to the £2,000 cap.
The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, asked about the cost to employers. The majority of employers do not offer salary sacrifice arrangements, and most sectors, including retail, hospitality and leisure, have salary sacrifice arrangements well below the cap. Everyone using salary sacrifice can still benefit from up to £300 employer national insurance contribution relief under the cap, and the full national insurance contributions relief is available on employer pension contributions outside of salary sacrifice. The Government are working closely with employers and the payroll industry to operationalise the change in the most effective way.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lord, Lord de Clifford, spoke about the impact on small businesses. Small businesses are far less likely than larger businesses to offer pension salary sacrifice. Only 10% of employees in SMEs have pension contributions through salary sacrifice exceeding the cap, compared with 18% of employees in larger firms. The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, also spoke about the impact on retail, hospitality and leisure businesses. As I have said already, most firms in this sector have salary sacrifice contributions well below the £2,000 cap and are therefore largely protected.
The noble Lords, Lord Londesborough and Lord de Clifford, spoke about the impact on low earners. Higher earners are most likely to be using salary sacrifice and the majority of those currently using salary sacrifice will be unaffected by the changes. The Bill impacts only employees who use salary sacrifice to make pension contributions, which is around 35% of employees. Those earning at or near the national living wage cannot use salary sacrifice at all. The noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, also asked about basic rate taxpayers. The £2,000 cap is worth up to £160 a year for basic rate taxpayers. Those earning below £30,000 making pension contributions through salary sacrifice are overwhelmingly protected, with only 5% making pension contributions above the cap.
The noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, asked about individuals earning around the £50,000 mark. The Government are taking a pragmatic, balanced approach by introducing a cap which protects ordinary workers and limits the impact on employers, while ensuring that the system remains fiscally sustainable. Everyone can still save up to £2,000 via salary sacrifice free of national insurance contributions. Amounts sacrificed above £2,000 will continue to be fully relievable from income tax, but we must continue to ensure that the £500 billion of tax reliefs provided each year are effective and provide value for money.
The noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, asked about the profile of the costings, also mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Ashcombe. The costings reflect independent OBR scrutiny and use the best available data on current salary sacrifice and bonus sacrifice behaviour. Employees will respond to the changes in a number of ways. One way is that many employees will switch to making ordinary pension contributions, some of which will be to relief at source schemes. Where an employee contributes to a relief at source scheme, they will initially pay higher rate and additional rate income tax on their pension contributions and then reclaim this through their self-assessment tax return in the next year. This creates a temporary timing effect. Beyond the forecast period, this effect becomes very small.
The noble Baroness, Lady Maclean of Redditch, asked about indexing the £2,000 cap. The Government have no plans to index the cap, but we will keep the £2,000 level under review to ensure that it continues to meet its objectives and remains fair across the labour market. This is consistent with the approach to other pension tax reliefs, including the annual allowance.
The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, and the noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, asked about the costings of this policy and about the savings generated from this change. The costings for this policy have been scrutinised and certified by the Office for Budget Responsibility in its economic and fiscal outlook. They already account for changes in employer behaviour, including employers providing higher employer pension contributions to replicate the national insurance contribution benefits of salary sacrifice. We remain confident of these costings.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Kramer, and the noble Lord, Lord Leigh of Hurley, suggested that this was designed only to meet the fiscal rules in 2029-30. The reality is that the Government are giving employers sufficient time to prepare and adjust their systems by implementing the changes from April 2029. That is over three years’ notice before the changes take effect. We are also engaging with employers, payroll administrators and other stakeholders on the administration of the cap to provide certainty ahead of implementation.
On that specific point, also raised by the noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe and Lady Altmann, and the noble Lords, Lord Leigh of Hurley and Lord Fuller, about the administration of this policy, HMRC is engaging with a wide range of stakeholders in the payroll, employer and software developer industries to work through exactly how the cap will be implemented. This will be vital to ensuring it is implemented in the least burdensome way possible for employers. Engagement will also help inform the secondary legislation, in which the detail of the operability will be set out and further consulted on.
My noble friend Lord Davies of Brixton spoke about how salary sacrifice is just one part of the pension landscape, and I say that to the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, who did not mention during her contribution that saving into a pension, including via salary sacrifice, will remain hugely tax advantageous even under these changes. The Government currently provide over £70 billion of income tax and national insurance contribution relief on pension contributions each year. That spend will be entirely unaffected by these changes. Employees’ pension contributions, including those made via salary sacrifice, will continue to be fully relievable from income tax at the employee’s marginal rate. For employers, all pension contributions remain exempt from both income tax and national insurance contributions. This makes pensions one of the most tax-efficient ways to invest in their workforce.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Neville-Rolfe, Lady Altmann and Lady Kramer, spoke about the impact on pension savings. The Government do not believe that these changes will negatively impact the overall level of pension saving. Salary sacrifice existed in the 2000s and early 2010s, yet there were significant falls in private sector pension savings during this period. In 2012, only one in three private sector workers saved into a pension.
As I said in my opening, the key factor that led to an increase in saving in recent years is not the complicated national insurance reliefs available to some employees but rather automatic enrolment, which the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, spoke about, and which has reversed the collapse in workplace pension savings. As a result of automatic enrolment, over 22 million workers across the UK are now saving each month. The Office for Budget Responsibility has also made it clear in its economic and fiscal outlook that it does not expect a material impact on savings behaviour as a result of the tax changes made in the Budget.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Altmann and Lady Kramer, spoke about the impact on individuals who are currently undersaving. The groups that we know are undersaving for their pension, including low earners, women and the self-employed, are the least likely to use salary sacrifice. Workers on the national living wage are excluded entirely from salary sacrifice, and so are the 4.4 million self-employed people across the UK. By contrast, these changes overwhelmingly affect higher and additional rate taxpayers. In 2030, 87% of affected salary sacrifice pension contributions made from earnings will be from higher and additional rate taxpayers.
The noble Baroness, Lady Altmann, also mentioned the Pensions Commission. There is cross-party agreement on the importance of the work of the Pensions Commission as it examines questions of adequacy and fairness. The Government will not prejudge the commission’s work.
The Budget in November contained pro-growth choices to maintain economic stability, reject austerity, protect investment and back the fast-growing companies of the future, but these are choices which need to be paid for. That is why this Bill reforms pension salary sacrifice to ensure that our tax system is kept on a sustainable footing. The Bill protects lower and middle earners, gives employers many years to prepare, and preserves the incentives that underpin workplace saving. These are fair and balanced reforms. They build on the steps already taken by the previous Government to reform salary sacrifice and strengthen our economy for the long term. I beg to move.